Schuster, J., 2010, Metalwork, 13, 32–4, 58–60, in Andrews, P., West Thurrock: Late prehistoric settlement, Roman burials and the medieval manor house. Channel Tunnel Rail Link Excavations 2002, Essex Archaeology and History 40, 3rd ser. (2009), 1–77.

Jörn  Schuster

Two excavations were undertaken between West Thurrock and Purfleet in 2002 in advance of construction of High Speed 1 (formerly the Channel Tunnel Rail Link). At High House, ditches, gullies and pits of mainly late prehistoric and early Roman date were concentrated on the higher ground in the western half of the site. The late prehistoric features may represent two phases of settlement-related activity within an overall Middle Bronze Age – Early Iron Age time span. The Late Iron Age and early Roman features were probably also settlement-related and included a small enclosure, a possible trackway and an unusual group of at least 14 inhumation burials and two cremation burials inserted along the entire exposed length of an earlier, prehistoric ditch. At Stone House, the unexpected discovery of building remains during construction work led to an excavation which revealed a large part of a late 13th / early 14th century stone building of some stature and status, as well a sequence of 11th-13th century features probably associated with stock control, and a small number of late prehistoric pits. The considerable amount of documentary evidence shows that, almost certainly from as early as the beginning of the 14th century, Stone House was the manor house of West Thurrock. The building had been extensively robbed and the finds assemblages were relatively poor; but it represents a significant discovery in the county. New Place, later known as High House, was built in the mid-16th century on higher ground to the north-west and subsequently assumed the position of 'manor house’, while Stone House became a tenanted farm. In 1683 Stone House was rebuilt on a more modest scale on an adjacent site, and was used as the parish workhouse for a period of about 20 years at the end of the 18th century, with final demolition coming in the 1920s. The metalwork assemblage includes an Early LaTène-type brooch and numerous Roman brooches (one with substantial repair) as well as evidence for the ritual/apotropaic use of a nail in a child's burial. The medieval/post-medieval metalwork comprises dress accessories like pins, buckles and hooked tags, as well as a thimble, knives, keys and horse shoes.

Essex Archaeology and H is101y 40 (2009)) 1-77 West Thurrock: Late prehistoric settlement, Roman burials and the medieval manor house, Channel Tunnel Rail Link Excavations 2002 Phil Andrews With contributions by Paul Drury, Jessica Grimm, Jacqueline I. McKinley, Lorraine Mepham, Christopher Phillpotts, Jorn Schuster, Chris]. Stevens and Sarah Wyles Illustrations by S.E. James Two excavations were ｵｮ､･ｲｴ｡ｬｾ＠ between Ｑｾｳｴ＠ Thurrock and Purfleet in 2002 in advance of construction of H igh Speed 1 (formerly the Channel1imnel R ail Link). At High H ouse) ditches) gullies and pits of mainly late prehistoric and early R oman date were concentrated on the higher ground in the western half of the site. The late prehistoricfeatw·es may represent two phases of settlement-related activity within an overall Middle Bronze Age - Early han Age time span. The Late Imn Age and early Roman features were probably also settlement-related and included a small enclosure) a possible trackway and an unusual group of at least 14 inhumation burials and two cremation burials inserted along the entire exposed length of an ･｡ｲｬｩＱｾ＠ prehistoric ditch. At Stone House) the unexpected discovery of building 1·emains during construction work led to an excavation which revealed a large part of a late 13th I early 14th centwy stone building of some stature and status) as well a sequence of 11th-13th centwy features probably associated with ｳｴｯ｣ｬｾ＠ control) and a small number of late prehistoric pits. The considerable amount of documentary evidence shows that) almost certainly from as ea1·ly as the beginning of the 14th century) Stone H ouse was the manor house ｯｦｾｳｴ＠ Tlnt1Tock. The building had been extensively mbbed and the finds assemblages were relatively po01; but it rep1·esents a significant discove1y in the county. New Place) later known as High H ouse) was built in the mid- 16th centwy on higher ground to the north-west and subsequently assumed the position of'manor house)) while Stone House became a tenanted fann. In 1683 Stone House was rebuilt on a more modest scale on an adjacent site) and was used as the parish worMouse for a period of about 20 yeaTS at the end of the 18th century, with final demolition co1-ning in the 1920s. INTRODUCTION Project background .. This report incorporates data from two excavations between WestThurrock and Purfleet, both carried out in 2002 as part of the High Speed 1 (H S 1, formerly the Channel Tunnel Rail Link) Section 2 works (Figure 1) . T he excavations were commissioned by Rail Link Engineering (RLE) and were undertaken by Wessex Archaeology. The principal discoveries comprised late prehistoric and Romano-British features at High House (site code: ARC PHH01 ) and the site of the medieval and later manor house ofWestThurrock at Stone House (site code: ARC 31 OT02) . T he results of HS 1 Pleistocene investigations at Purfleet and the Holocene investigations atWestThurrock Marshes will be reported on separately elsewhere. The High House fieldwork was undertaken on an elongated strip of land situated immediately to the south of the Purfleet By-pass and to the north of High House Farm, a 17th/early 18th century complex of Grade II Listed Buildings (including one structure that is also a Scheduled Monument) . At this location (centred on NGR 556696 178 101 ) the route ofHS1 passes through a substantial cutting which required full excavation of archaeological remains in advance of construction. The Stone H ouse fieldwork was undertaken on the northern edge ofWestThurrock Marshes, within an area bounded by the London, Tilbury and Southend railway to the south, London Road to the north, industrial units to the west, and the northern approach to the M25 Dartford Crossing to the east. The site lies approximately midway between the villages of Purfleet and West Thurrock (at NGR 557100 177828), south of the junction of Stonehouse Lane and London Road. HS 1 passes across the WestThurrock Marshes on an elevated section at this point, carried on piers supported by reinforced piling. The nature of the construction work precluded any archaeological recording and although limited stripping was carried out in the vicinity of each pile, the depth ofThames floodplain alluvial deposits in these areas ensured that nothing other than relatively recent (i.e. post-medieval) deposits was exposed. A watching brief was undertaken during enablement works for the construction of a substantial temporary site compound, batching plant and haul road in the north part of the site, and the medieval remains at Stone House were first seen during the stripping of topsoil and subsoil ESSEX ARCHAEOLOGY AND HISTORY l Hertfordshire 0 Mar Dyke Purfleet a1way StCiement's = = = = == = = = =:::9Church iii 1 178000 West Thurrock Marshes : • 0 .... :j Excavation area Chalk pit lt I' ........_ 177000 2km Figure 1 Site location plan, showing excavation areas © Crown copyright and/or database right. All rights reserved. Licence number 10001 4800 2 WESTTHURROCK from this area. Following a site meeting which established the importance and vulnerability of the remains, detailed archaeological excavation was undertaken where possible on the exposed remains and available parts of the surrounding area. At the east end of the site, the relatively minimal impact of the ancillary works on the buried archaeological resource required only an archaeological watching brief. This publication follows a programme of work set out in the project design (Union Railways (North) Limited (URN) 2006). Full details of the features and deposits, along with finds and environmental analyses, can be found in the archive which will be deposited with Thurrock Museum. burntflints (URL 1995, 22,maps 1aand 1b),two sherds of medieval pottery and thirteen post-medieval sherds (URL 1995, 22, maps 1a and lb). Following this, a magnetometer survey indicated a series of parallel north/south linear anomalies, considered to have resulted from past cultivation (URL 1996, plans 1.2 and 1.3) . Archaeological evaluation trenches excavated in 1998 at High House (site code: ARC HHP97) (URL 1999) established that the anticipated Pleistocene gravels did not extend this far to tl1e south-east and so the site had negligible potential for Palaeolithic deposits. However, the evaluation demonstrated that Late Bronze Age I Early Iron Age, Romano-British and post-medieval features were present on the site. Archaeological background Topography and geology Previous archaeological work in the area has concentrated on the Pleistocene deposits overlying the chalk anticline at Purfleet that contain crucial evidence relating to a former course of the River Thames. These deposits, which are banked against the north face of the anticline, were laid down during alternating cold (glacial) and warm (interglacial) conditions and are associated with large assemblages of Palaeolithic stone tools. Important assemblages of Palaeolithic material have been recorded from the nearby Esso Pit, Botany Pit (including Beacon Hill), Greenlands Pit and Bluelands Pit (Figure 1). In addition, various finds of later date have also been recovered as a result of quarrying and are recorded in the Essex Historic Environment Record (SMR) . These include Iron Age/Romano-British material as well as features, such as pits and ditches, from Botany Pit; Neolithic, Bronze Age and Rom ano-British m aterial from Beacon Hill; and Mesolithic, Neolithic, Iron Age and medieval material from Greenlands Pit immediately to the north of the High House site. The existing buildings of High House Farm comprise a 17th century octagonal brick dovecote, the 17th century timber-framed and plastered brick farm building, and an early 18th century weather-boarded timber barn. These are Listed Buildings (Grade II) and the dovecote is also a Scheduled Monument (SM 32420). An Environmental Assessment of the route of HS 1 (U nion Railways Limited (URL) 1991) collated existing information and highlighted the potential of the area arou nd High House but did not identify an archaeological potential for the Stone House site. Subsequently, an archaeological evaluation of the Pleistocene deposits immediately to the north-west of High House recorded a substantial ditch and a smaller feature, both of probable late prehistoric date, the former interpreted as possibly part of a Late Bronze Age enclosure or an Early Iron Age boundary ditch. In addition to worked flint, 14 sherds of late prehistoric pottery were recovered, all but two of which occurred residually in later contexts (Oxford Archaeological U nit (OAU) 1995) . A fieldwalking survey at High H ouse recorded a general scatter of nineteen worked flints, including one scraper of possible Neolithic date, and a further five The High House site is located towards the highest part of the Purfleet anticline, between the River Thames approximately lkm to the south and the Mar Dyke channel to the north and west. The edge of the Mar Dyke channel, considered to be an early course for a loop of the Thames (known as the Ockenden Loop), lies less than 500m to the north and less than l OOm to the west of the site. The western two-thirds of the site occupies almost level ground on tl1e very top of the anticline, with a very gentle south-east facing slope, descending within the site lin1its from a height of c. 20.50m above Ordnance Datum (aOD) in the north-west to c. 18m aOD in the south-east. Further to the south-east the slope increases towards the River Thames floodplain, with the lowest part of the site at c. 11.50m aOD. The Stone H ouse site is located at the very base of the south-facing side of the anticline, immediately above the northern edge of the River T hames floodplain, between about 1m and 2m aOD. The structural remains identified in the excavation were concentrated on a small promontory that extends out into the floodplain, forming a natural focus for activity in the area. The edge of the floodplain was clearly defined within the site, with the lower lying area being covered by a brown organic-rich soil representing the extent of the former marsh. The solid geology fo r the area is mapped as Cretaceous U pper C halk (Ordnance Survey 1998), forming the south-facing side of the Purfleet Anticline extending from the mouth of the Mar Dyke at West Purfleet across to Little Thurrock near Tilbury. The British Geological Survey notes superficial caps of Palaeocene Thanet Beds sand on the surface of the anticline, probably the deposits encountered at Stone House, although no drift geology is m apped in the immediate vicinity of High House. H owever, the excavation revealed superficial spreads of'flinty wash'; a sandy silt containing flints and small chalk inclusions, overlying chalk. It is likely that this 'flinty wash' is largely a chalk-derived periglacial deposit. Excavation methods All fieldwork was conducted in accordance with a Written Scheme of Investigation (URN 2001). Excavation at High House (see Figures 1 and 2) was targeted on three 3 ESSEX ARCHAEOL OGY AND HISTORY .17017 . . 17019 -17018 17016 D Early Bronze Age - Middle -Late Bronze Age - Late Bronze Age I Early Iron Age Undated 0 ｃ］］Ｍｾ］Ｍ］Ｓ 50 100m Figure 2 High House: plan (Area 1), Early Bronze Age, Middle Bronze Age- Late Bronze Age I Early Iron Age features contiguous areas (separated by two access routes to High H ouse Farm) of 12,660m 2 (Area 1), 6100m 2 (Area 2) and 1940m 2 (Area 3), together representing just over 50% of the evaluated area. T he site was stripped of c. 0.3 - 0.4m depth of topsoil and subsoil by a 360° tracked excavator, to expose in situ chalk-derived and natural chalk deposits. All archaeological features were digitally surveyed and then excavated by hand. Excavation took place from January to March 2002, and an interim report on the results was submitted in 2004 (URN 2004a). On the Stone House site (Figure 1), building remains were discovered unexpectedly in late March 2002 during a watching brief in the northern part of the site and limited excavations were undertaken during a temporary cessation of machine stripping. The exposed build ing remains and other visible features were d igitally mapped and artefact samples retained to ascertain their probable date. In this area, representing approximately half of the area covered by medieval and post-medieval building remains, excavation was only possible to a very cursory level ('salvage recording') prior to the laying of geotextile and crushed concrete and construction of the site compound. Two complexes of building remains were identified, the most northerly of probable post-medieval date and identified as the 'Stone House' shown adjacent to the road to Purfleet (London Road) on the 1st edition Ordnance S urvey map (1873). The southern group of buildings, of flint, chalk and ashlar construction, was identified as of medieval origin, although underlying 11th - 12th century AD and late prehistoric features were also present. T he subsequent stripping of topsoil on the southern part of the site exposed fu rther remains of medieval buildings, which were again digitally mapped and sampled for dating. Following a site visit on 9th April 2002 by representatives of Essex County Council and English Heritage, and confirmation of the importance of the building remains, provision was made for excavation of the southern part of the site, which took place during April and May 2002. Additional areas predominantly to the south-east (Zones 1 - 4; see Figure 16) but also to the west of the principal excavation area were subject to a watching brief, which concentrated on obtaining a detailed plan of the remains, with focused artefact sampling to obtain dating evidence where feasible. It soon became clear that the features exposed were relatively modern (i.e. 17th I 18th century or later), and as a result little detailed excavation was carried out, particularly as most were to be subject to minimal impact by construction works. The archaeological and historical background of Stone H ouse and its surrounding landscape was subsequ ently collated in a desk-based assessment (Wessex Archaeology 2003a), whilst the results of the excavation and watching brief have been the subject of a draft interim report (URN 2004b). 4 WESTTHURROCK In addition to the investigations at High House and Stone H ouse, a continuous watching brief (ARC 31 OT02) was maintained in the vicinity of Purfleet between April and December 2002, during the preliminary phases of enablement and construction works associated with HS 1. This was concerned primarily with the recording of Pleistocene deposits, but a small number of features of late prehistoric, Roman and later date were also identified, most in the immediate vicinity of High House and relating to discoveries made in the excavation there. flake with a concave crescentic retouch on one margin. There is a very small component of blade-like flakes and a broken bladelet which are likely to belong to early technologies, most probably Mesolithic or Early Neolithic. The bulk of the material, however, which includes a pair of piercers, tl1ree scrapers and a notched flake, is likely to be Late Neolithic I Early Bronze Age, with a smaller component of later Bronze Age material. In addition to the worked flint, there are also two sherds of Beaker pottery (Figure 3, 1 and 2) . These were the only finds from a possibly natural hollow (17077) towards the west end of the High House site (see Figure 2). RESULTS Middle Bronze Age - Late Bronze Age I Early Iron Age (Figure 2) Earlier prehistoric The earlier prehistoric period is represented by finds only. Furthermore, the entire assemblage of worked flint (459 pieces, the majority from High House) is clearly residual, with various chronological components. On the basis of the few tools and the technological indicators it is probable that the earliest piece (from High House) is Lower Palaeolithic, comprising a large, orange, patinated 0 ｾＭ｣ｾＭ｣］ ct Scale 1:3 The High H ouse site appears to have subsequently become the focus of later Bronze Age activity. At least two phases have been distinguished, though phasing within the late prehistoric period is slightly problematic due to the relatively low numbers of intercutting features and the restricted nature of the pottery assemblage. The 100mm ﾷ＠ ' lil ｾＧ＠ J \ I Figure 3 Ｍ｟ｾＬ＠ ) · · - - · -- -._ __;--=---------: / I Pottery: Beaker (nos 1-2) and L ate Bronze Age I Early Iron Age (nos 3- 11) 5 ESSEX ARCHAEOLO GY AND HISTORY results from High House can be seen as evidence for sporadic land-use throughout the Middle -Late Bronze Age I Early Iron Age. Three Middle Bronze Age pits (17030, 17064 and 1 7049) and two gullies (17021 and 17043) lay at the eastern end of Area 1 at High H ouse, and represent the earliest archaeological features on the site. Pit 17030 and pit 17049 were both approximately 0.2m deep and produced pottery including part of a globular urn. Pit 17064 was heavily truncated and contained no dating material, but it has been provisionally assigned to the Middle Bronze Age on the basis of its proximity to the other two pits. To the west of the pits was a gully 17043, orientated north-south, with a short, slightly sinuous gully ( 17021 ) approximately 1Om to the north-west and parallel with it. These gullies appear to have been contemporaneous but their function is unclear. Pit 17025, approximately 0.25m deep, also lay towards the eastern end of Area 1. In addition to Middle I Late Bronze Age pottery, it also produced a small assemblage of briquetage, perhaps deriving from a pedestal (Figure 4, 2). Features assigned to the Late Bronze Age I Early Iron Age were found almost exclusively in the western half of Area 1, along the south-facing brow of the Purfleet anticline. They had a broad east - west alignment and included at least 12 shallow pits and large hollows of variable shape and size, some intercutting, which formed three discrete clusters. They all contained similar, fairly homogeneou s, dark fills including burnt flint and small amounts of burnt clay. The most substantial hollow (17069) lay at the east end of the alignment, measured approximately 1Om by 6.5m, was 0.6m deep and had been cut by a smaller pit (1 701 2) of similar date. T he medium-sized features (170 12, 17018, 170 19, 17024, 17055 and 17039 I 17066-8) were up to 5m across, between 0.2m and 0.4m deep, and some were very irregular in plan. The small features ( 17016, 1701 7, 17040, 17041 , 17042, and 17050), most of which lay towards the western end of the alignment, were up to 1.5m across, 0.2 - 0.5m deep, and might best be described as pits. The majority of these pits and hollows contained pottery, sometimes in relatively large quantities, for example hollows 17024 and 1 7069 producing 165 and 104 sherds respectively from the excavated portions, and pit 17050 being the only feature devoid of pottery. The 104 sherds from hollow 17069 included a significant proportion offmewares (Figure 3, 8 and 10), while most of the 106 sherds from pit 17041 came from two vessels (Figure 3, 7) . H ollow 17024 also contained fragments of as many as six triangular loomweights, while pit 1704 1 contained one complete triangular loom weight (Figure 4, 1), and hollow 170 12 and pit 1701 7 contained fragments of clay blocks or bars, possibly p arts of loom weights. Part of a Hertfordshire Puddingstone saddle quern came from pit 170 17 and a possible quem fragment of unidentified sandstone from hollow 1701 8. Towards the east end of Area 1 was ditch 17000, also assigned to the L ate Bronze Age I Early Iron Age, although whether it was contemporary with the features ---------------- -\ \ \ I \\ \ \ \ \ \ \ \ \ \ \ \ \ \ 0 -- I 50mm 2 3 '-.-----..J' Figure 4 F ired clay objects: Middle - Late Bronze Age I Early Iron Age (nos 1-2) and Late Iron Age I RomanoBritish (no 3) to the west could not be ascertained. Aligned approximately north-south, it extended beyond the limits of excavation, and a subsequent excavation undertaken in 2008 has shown it to continue to the south for at least a further 50m , with a single, narrow causeway in this part. It was a relatively substan tial feature measuring approximately 2.5m wide and 1.2m deep with a broad Ushaped proftle, and pr oduced 81 sherds of late prehistoric pottery. After almost completely silting up, a series of Roman inhumation and cremation burials were inserted along its entire exposed length (see below) . Only nine sherds of pottery from Stone H ouse have been assigned a probable L ate Bronze Age I Early Iron Age date, most of them being residual in later contexts, and the only feature tentatively assigned to this period is a short length of gully (not illustrated). Pottery by L orraine Mepham The total prehistoric (excluding L ate Iron Age) assem blage from High House comprises 1051 sherds 6 WESTTHURROCK .. ( 10,990g), virtually all of Middle Bronze Age to Late Bronze Age I Early Iron Age date. Methods of analysis have followed the standard Wessex Archaeology recording system for pottery (Morris 1994), which accords with nationally recommended guidelines (PCRG 1997). Fabrics have been defmed on the basis of dominant inclusion type (for prehistoric fabrics). In this instance, fabrics have been defined on a relatively broad scheme of classification reflecting 'catch-all' groups of fine- and coarsewares rather than individual fabric 'recipes'. Brief fabric descriptions and totals, by both sh erd count and weight, are given in Table 1. The earliest element within the assemblage consists of two sherds, both from a single context (hollow 17077) at High House. These are identifiable as Beaker, but of unknown form. Both are in grog-tempered fabrics and both are decorated with impressed motifs - one is a rim sherd (Figure 3, 1 and 2). The Middle Bronze Age to Early Iron Age assemblage from High H ouse comprises 1047 sherds (10,958g) . Much of this group comprises sherds in flint-tempered fabrics in varying degrees of coarseness. Amongst this group, fabrics containing frequent but relatively well sorted flint inclusions, either coarse (FL2) or fine (FL4), have been identified as falling within the DeverelRimbury ceramic tradition of the lower Thames valley, although only two diagnostic rim forms are present- one from a fineware globular urn and one from a coarseware One sherd has been burnt or overtired to such an extent that the original fabric type is indeterminate; eight other sherds, in both flint-tempered and sandy fabrics, and from several different features, are also burnt. Otherwise condition is fair to good. Some of the more friable coarseware fabrics have suffered some deterioration. M ean sherd weight overall is 10.5g, rising to 11.5g in contexts dated as M iddle Bronze Age to Early Iron Age, and falling to 6.1 g in residual contexts. Apart from the Deverel-Rimbury for ms already mentioned, three basic vessel forms were recognised. These comprise coarseware shouldered jars with upr ight or slightly inturned rims, with finger tip or fingernail impressions on the shoulder and/or the rim (Figure 3, 3-6); small or medium-sized coarseware convex jars with slightly inturned rims; and carinated or roundshouldered fineware bowls with upright or slightly everted necks (tripartite proftle), some burnished (Figure 3, 7-10). One rim, from a vessel of unknown form, has a markedly expanded profile, witl1 finger impressions (Figure 3, 11), but otherwise m ost r ims have simple rounded or flattened proftles, while some are slightly expanded internally and/or externally. Apart from impressions on rims and shoulders, decoration is entirely absent. A further 11 sherds (16g) from High House remain undated. These are all in shelly fabrics, none sufficiently distinctive to assign to sp ecific date range - they could be L ate Bronze Age I Early Iron Age, L ate Iron Age, or urn probably of bucke t form. Non e of the :shen.l:s are even m euieval. decorated. A few sherds in coarsely tempered but less well sorted fabrics (FL1 ) have been broadly dated as Middle I L ate Bronze Age; there are no diagnostic sherds. Other flinttempered fa brics have been dated as Late Bronze Age I Early Iron Age, and include both coarsewares (FL5) and 'finewares' (FL3), the latter defined on the basis of the size and sorting of inclusions, and by a generally better surface finish, including burnishing. Alongside the flinttempered wares, shelly wares are also relatively common, with a much smaller proportion of sandy wares, including some with distinctive glauconitic inclusions. The small group of nine sherds from Stone H ouse are less easily tied down chronologically. These are in flinttempered, shelly and sandy fabrics, but include no diagnostic sherds. The flint-tempered fabrics are likely to date to the L ate Bronze Age I Early Iron Age, as at High House, the shelly fabrics could be either Late Bronze Age I Early Iron Age or L ate Iron Age; and sandy wares are found throughout this broad period in the region. Date r a nge EBA MBA MBA M/LBA LBA/EIA LBA/EIA LBAIEIA LBA/EIA LBA/EIA LBA/EIA LBA/EIA Fabric type GR3 FL2 FL4 FLl QU1 QU2 QU3 FL3 FL5 SH1 UNKN Distribution on site Later prehistoric pottery came largely from contexts in Area 1 at High H ouse; 848 sherds (97 53 g) derived from Description Grog-tempered Beaker fabric D evere!-Rin1bury coarseware D everel-Rimbury fineware Coarse flint-tempered fabric PDR coarseware, sandy PDR coarseware, sandy with flint PDR fineware, glauconitic sandy PDR fineware, flint-tempered PDR coarseware, flint-tempered PDR coarseware, shelly Unknown fabric type (burnt) Total No. sherds Weight (g) 2 22 11 13 11 6 4 204 573 202 32 250 256 31 55 85 13 2295 60 10 1959 4 10,990 1049 PDR = post- Deverei-Rin1bury Table I Pouery: Early Bronze Age- Late Bronze Age I Early Iron Age fabric totals 7 ESSEX ARCHAEOLOGY AND HISTORY contexts which have been dated as Middle Bronze Age to Early Iron Age. Four features contained only Middle Bronze Age fabrics - pits 17030 and 17049, and gullies 1702 1 and 17043, all at the eastern end of Area 1. In each instance only small quantities of potter y were recovered. Of the later features the lar gest group, 165 sherds from pit 17024, included six coarseware rims, three of them fmger-impressed and all probably from shouldered jars (Figure 3, 4), as well as one fin eware carinated vessel. Pit 17069 (104 sherds) also contained a mixture of coarsewares and finewares, from a number of vessels (a maximum of eight, on the basis of rim sherds) . In contrast, the contents of pit 1704 1 (106 sherds) consisted largely of sherds of just two vessels, one fineware tripartite bowl (Figure 3, 7), and the lower p art of a coarseware vessel; this pit also contained an almost complete triangular loomweight (Figure 4, 1), and its contents could therefore potentially be regarded as a 'special deposit ', although it should be noted that pit 17024 also yielded fragments from a maximum of six triangular weights. The d ating implications of these associations will be discussed fu rther below. Only one other feature (ditch 17000) contained what appeared to be sherds of a single vessel dep osited together, alth ough the ditch also produ ced a mixture of sherds from other vessels, as seems to be the case for all other context groups. In other words, most of the pottery appears to represent 'standard' domestic refuse. perhaps m ore likely. One is the occurrence of a significant proportion of shelly wares, seen as a ceramic development of the Early Iron Age at North Shoebury (Brown 1995, 83), although interestingly absent from the Early Iron Age assemblages from Orsett and the Grays By-pass (Wilkinson 1988). T he second is the presence of a number of tripartite fineware bowls with footring bases, seen at North Shoebur y, Rectory Road (Grays Bypass) and Orsett. A date range of 6th to 4th centuries BC was suggested for the North Shoebury Early Iron Age assemblage (Brown 1995, 87) . List of illustrated vessels (Figu re 3) I. Beaker rim sherd, fabric GR3. PRN 217, context 10229, natural feature 17077 . 2 . Beaker decorated body sherd, fabr ic GR3. PRN 217, Context 10229, natural feature 17077. 3 . Coarseware jar rim, fabric FL5. PRN 224, context 10255, natural feature 170 19. 4. Coarseware jar r im, finger-impressed, fabric SHl. PRN 275, context 10326, pit 17024. 5. Coarseware rim, finger-impressed, fabric FLS. PRN 126, context 10 157, pit 17069. 6. Coarseware jar rim, fingerna il-impressed shoulder, fabric FL5. PRN 91, context 10126, pit 17012. 7. Fineware bowl profile, fabric FL3. PRN 232/238, Obj. No. 19554, context I 0260/10261, pit 1704 1. 8. Fineware bowl rim, fabric FL3. PRN 117, context I 0154, pit 17069. 9. Fineware bowl rim, fabric FL3. PRN 141, context 10164, pit 170 16. I 0. Fineware bowl rim, fabric FL3. PRN 120, context I 0 I 56, pit 17069 . I I. Expanded rim, fabric SHl. PRN 206, Context 10219, pit 17018. Discussion T he M iddle Bronze Age m aterial is too sparse for a detailed consideration of its affinities, but generally it appears to fall within the local Deverel-Rirnbury range of south Essex and the lower T hames Valley generally, as seen, for exam ple, at Mucking and North Shoebury (Barrett and Bond 1988; Brown 1995; Figure 1). Certainly there is no sign of the more elaborate decoration seen on the Ardleigh group from the north of the county. North Shoebury also provides good parallels for the Late Bronze Age - Early Iron Age assemblage, although the range seen atWestThurrock in terms of vessel forms is far more limited; using Barrett's classification (1980), only Class II (coarseware) jars and Class IV (fineware) bowls were identified, although this may be at least partly due to the scarcity of diagnostic sherds. T here are other com parable assem blages in the area from Orsett and Mucking (Barrett 1978; Barrett and Bond 1988) and further afield at Springfield Lyons, Chelmsford (Buckley an d Hedges 1987), and sites in the lower Blackwater Valley such as Slough Farm and Lofts Farm (Brown 1988; 1998) . Overall the potential date range is Late Bronze Age to Early Iron Age. The Class I coarseware jars with finger impressed rims and shoulders are characteristic of the Late Bron ze Age plainware of the region, dating to the early 1st millennium BC. However, these vessels are also seen in Early Iron Age assemblages, and there are otl1er indications that a slightly later date for the assemblage is Fire d clay by Lorraine Mepham Loomweights A maximum of eight loomweights are present, seven from High H ouse and one possible exam ple from Stone H ouse. T he loomweights are all, as far as can be ascertained, of triangular form, the typical Iron Age form of the region . Only one survives as near complete (Figure 4, 1), from pit 17041. T his weight has three perforations; only one corner survives intact, but tl1e side length can be extrapolated from the position of the perforations as c. 160mm; the tl1ickness is 50mm. Fragments from a maximum of six further weights (identified from corner fragments) came from pit 17024. T he fragments from a p ossible loomweight found at Stone House came from a medieval context. In addition tl1ere are three fragments from High House which could derive either from further loom weights, or from slabs/blocks (which have flat surfaces but no edges or corners). These came from gully 17021, pit 17071 and pit 17017. The fabric of the weights and possible weights varies, but is generally poorly wedged, with a relatively fme matrix, and sparse to common organic inclusions, with occasional detrital flint an d quartz. Fabrics are soft, reflecting firing at relatively low temperatures; some fragments are incompletely oxidised, with unoxidised cores. 8 WESTTHURROCK Charred plant remains Triangular loomweights occur from the Early Iron Age onwards in Essex, although are most frequent in Late Iron Age contexts (Major 1998) . At Slough House Farm, in the Blackwater Valley, a small quantity was found in Late Bronze Age contexts (ibid., table 11 ). At High House, all seven probable loomweights were associated with Late Bronze Age I Early Iron Age pottery, in pits 17024 and 17041 (with a suggestion that the date range for the pottery falls relatively late within the sequence; see Pottery). There is some suggestion at Slough House Farm that loomweight dimensions increased between Early/M iddle Iron Age and Late Iron Age contexts; only one example from High House had measurable dimensions, but is thinner than the Slough House Farm Early/Middle Iron Age weights (ibid., 161). by Chris J. Stevens Fourteen bulk samples were taken from Middle Bronze Age to Late Bronze Age I Early Iron Age features at High House. These were processed and assessed and five of the richer samples selected for analysis: one from a Middle I Late Bronze Age pit and four from Late Bronze Age I Early Iron Age pits. All of the samples produced cereal remains, although t11e material was poorly preserved and specific identifications to species were not always possible (Table 3). In the Middle I Late Bronze Age sample emmer wheat chaff and grains (T dicoccum) are present, along with similar numbers of barley grains. A single possible glume of spelt wheat (Triticum spelta) was also recovered. The range of cereals is in keeping with oilier sites in me region, for example, Norm Shoebury, where possible spelt was also recovered (Murphy 1991 ; 1995) . It might be noted mat assemblages of this period from across me Thames in North Kent have produced spelt wheat in large quantities (Pelling 2003). The Late Bronze Age I Early Iron Age pits produced evidence for spelt and barley only, al tl1ough the possibility that emmer was also present cannot be ruled out. A single grain of possible free-threshing wheat ( Triticum aestivwn sl) was also recorded. Wild food remains included a few fragments of hazelnut ( Corylus avellana) and tl1ree stones of sloe (Prunus spinosa). The absence of emmer in the Late Bronze Age I Early Iron Age samples from High House may be a reflection of differential preservation. Other Late Bronze Age sites in south Essex have generally produced evidence for born emmer and spelt alongside barley, as have many recently excavated HS 1 sites in Kent. At Rook Hall Farm and Springfield L yons (Murphy 199 1; 1987) spelt wheat predominated, while emm er dominated assemblages at Slough House Farm (Murphy 1998), Fossetts Farm (Wessex Archaeology 2005) and Lofts Farm (Murphy 1988b; 1991) . Seeds of weeds growing witl1in the Bronze Age fields and brought in after harvesting were generally sparse. They included many species commonly found on later prehistoric sites, such as vetches/wild pea ( Vicia I Lathyrus sp.), knotgrass (Polygonum aviculare), oats (Avena sp.) and brome grass (Bromus sp.). Of more interest were many seeds of black mustard or wild cabbage (Brassica nigra/oleracea) . Both are common close to me sea, a1tl1ough only black mustard is known as an arable weed inland. H owever, given me location of me site, either species is possible. The samples also contained many seeds of bulrush or grey club rush (Schoenoplectus lacustris/tabernaemontanz), as well as a single seed of burreed (Spmganium erectum), which are also likely to have grown within marshy areas, including brackish conditions. The rushes and reeds may, of course, have had an economic use, for example as t11atch. It is probable that most of the remains derived from charred waste after pounding of hulled wheat spikelets and the separation of the glumes. The poor preservation of the assemblage and the high number of roots in the Briquetage Fourteen fragments of briquetage, defined as ceramic equipment associated with salt production, were recovered, aU from one Middle - Late Bronze Age context (pit 17025) and probably deriving from a single object; all fragments are in a similar coarse, organictempered fabric. Four fragments conjoin and appear to derive from a pedestal (Figure 4, 2) Salt briquetage, frequently in organic-tempered fabrics, has now been recognised on a number of prehistoric and Roman sites in Essex, and salt production is attested in coastal areas (Fawn et al. 1990). T he High House object could be of similar form to Bronze Age examples from Mucking (Barford 1988, fig. 27, 15-18), or to Late Iron Age/Roman examples from the Red Hills in Essex (Fawn et al. 1990, 69, figs. 10-11) . lliustrated objects (Figure 4) I. 2. Triangular loomweighr. Obj. No. 19SSS,context 10261, pit 17041 . Briquetage ?pedestal. Context 10002, pit 17025. Animal bone by Jessica Grimm The majority of what is a rather small animal bone assemblage (all from High House) is in fair to good condition. The results correspond with tl1e wider picture for this period as cattle dominates among the domesticates (Table 2) and no wild species were present. The presence of horse bones confirms its reintroduction to Britain in the Early Bronze Age. Cattle and sheep/goat were slaughtered at sub-adult and adult stages indicating mixed husbandry strategies for milk and meat as well as for wool and use as draught animals. Pigs were slaughtered around the ideal age of two after which they do not gain any more meat. The even distribution of skeletal elements suggests that cattle and pig were slaughtered and their products processed on the site. The distribution is less even for sheep and might indicate transport of meat parts from the site. A left sheep metatarsus produced a height at the withers of 0.55m and a right horse metacarpus provided a height at the withers of 1.29m, indicating rather small animals. 9 ESSEX ARCHAEOLOGY AND HISTORY Species LBA/EIA n % Mammal H orse (Equus caballus) 3 Cattle (Bas taurus) 58 Sheep/Goat ( Ovis/Capra) 27 1 Sheep (Ovis aries) 7 Pig (Sus dal!lesticus) Dog (Canis fmniliaris) Cat (Felis catus) M ole (Talpa eumpeus) M ouse/slu·ew Rabbit (Oryctolagus cuniculus) Vole (Cricetidae) Water vole (Arvicala terrestris) Whale (Cetacea) Bird D omestic fowl (Gallus gallus dom .) Goose (Anser anser) Mallard (Anas plathyrhynchos) Small passerine (Passerifamzes) C f. Teal (Anas cf. crecca) Thrush (Titrdus philamelas) Fish C f. ling (M alva malva) C f. small cod (Gadus morhua) C f. tub gurnard (Chelidanichthys lucernus) Amphibian Common frog (Rana temporaTia) Classes L arge mam mal 78 59 Medium mammal Small mammal Bird F ish Amphibian 233 Total LIA/ERB n % 1. 3 24.9 11. 6 0.4 3. 0 3 61 34 3 8 56* 1.1 23.0 12.8 1.1 3.0 2 1. 1 Med Med/p-med n % n % 5 75 50 0 .9 13.2 8 .8 0.2 19.8 0.9 11.6 0.7 0.7 0.4 0.2 0.2 2 47 52 24* 11 0.9 2 1.0 23.2 10.8 5.0 14* 6.3 1. 2 0.9 0.2 0.2 0 .2 0 .2 11 5.0 0.5 0 .5 112* 5 66* 4 4 2 0.4 0.4 7 5 0.5 0.5 0.2 6 1.1 13.6 19.8 0.5 0.9 1.6 1.8 100.0 33.5 25.3 14 84 5.3 3 1.8 77 112 3 5 9 10 100.0 265 100.0 565 25 23 5 4 11.3 10.4 2. 3 1.8 222 100 .0 *(partial) skeleton (s) Table 2 Animal bone: species list and number of identified specimens (all periods) samples suggest considerable biological activity that will have effected preser vation and may have selectively destroyed the more fragile glumes (Boardman and Jones 1990). T he small number and dominance of seeds of larger seeded species is seen at many of the prehistoric sites in d1e region (Murphy 1987; 1988b; 199 1; 1998) and would suggest that crops were brought to, and stored at the settlement in a relatively clean state. T his storage would occur after they had been threshed, winnowed and sieved and most of the smaller, lighter seeds removed, following har vest in mid to late summer. It is noted d1at species of Schaenaplectms spp. have been recorded as weeds of rice fields (Yuan et at. 199 1). T his argument has been used previously to suggest d1at other wedand species whose seeds are commonly fo und amongst cereal remains were also once weed s of arable fields Gones 1988; Stevens 1999) . It could be suggested dlen that during dle M iddle to L ate Bronze Age fields extended onto areas that lay close to dle T hames and were perhaps seasonally flooded . Ard marks sealed by alluvium and dated to dle Middle Bronze Age at Soudlwark certainly su ggest d1at fields were located in such localities in dle past (Bates and Minkin 1999). Late Iron Age (Figure 5) Late Iron Age features at High H ouse were largely confined to a relatively small area within dle central part of Area 1, widl two adjacent featu res almost 400m away towards dle east end of Area 2. The principal feature appears to have been a small, sub-rectangular, partly double-ditched enclosure (17076). The ditches had been heavily truncated, generally being 0.20 - 0.25m deep, but overall dley produced 79 sherds of L ate Iron Age potter y along widl ten residual sherds. T he outer d itch enclosed an area approximately 32m by 22m which may have been open on dle norm side, although it is quite possible dlat dle enclosure extended beyond dlc limit of excavation . T he 10 WESTTHURROCK M/LBA Period Feature type Feature no. Sample size Cereals Hordeum vulgare sl (grain) H. vulgare sl (rachis fragment) Triticum sp. (grains) T dicoccum (glume base) T dicoccwn (spikelet fork) Triticum spelta (glume bases) Triticum spelta (spikelet fork) T dicoccwn/spelta (grain) T dicoccum/spelta (spikelet fork) T dicoccum/spelta (glume bases) Triticum cf. aestivwn sl (grain) Cereal indet. (grains) Cereal frag. indet. (est. whole grains) Cereal (germinated coleoptile) Cereal indet. (basal rachis fragment) Cereal indet. (culm node) Other crop species Prunus domestica Other species Fumaria sp. Urtica dioica Corylus avellanau (fragm ents) Chenopodium album Chenopodium rubrum/tabicum Atriplex sp. L. Agrostemma gitlzago Montiafontana subsp. chondrospenna Polygonaceae indet. Polygonum avicula1·e Rumex sp. Rumex acetosella group Large Malva type Bmssica sp. (B. nigra/B.oleracea) Pnmus spinosa Vicia/Lathyrus sp. M edicago lupilina Trifolium sp. Lithospennum arvense ｾｲ｢･ｮ｡＠ officina/is Hyoscyamus niger Plantago lanceolata Odontities vermts ｊｾｲｯｮｩ｣｡＠ sp. (flat) Galium apm·ine Tripleurospennum inodorum Centaurea sp. Sclzoenoplectris sp. Eleocharis cf. palustris Poaceae (indet.) Poaceae (culm node and internode) Poa/Phleum sp. Avena sp. (grain) Avena sp. (floret base indet.) Avena /Bromus sp. Bromus sp. Sparganiwn erectum Table 3 barley barley wheat emmer wheat emm er wheat spelt wheat spelt vvheat emmer/spelt wheat emmer/spelt wheat emmer/spelt wheat bread w heat cereal cereal cereal LBA/EIA Pit 17049 10 Pit 17016 20 Pit 17017 20 4 6 6 3 2 11 cf.1 2 1 2 1 11 6 7 cf. l 12 10 30 5 4 MILIA ERB Pit Pit 17024 17041 20 17 6 Pit Ditch 237 17010 8 20 4 1 2 2 1 2 4 1 10 7 8 1 6 6 2 1 5 2 20 cf.4 10 4 22 8 8 18 9 61 31 8 393 22 20 16 1 2 cf.1 plum fumitory common nettle hazel fat-hen red/up-right goosefoot oraches corn cockle blinks knotgrass knot grass docks sheeps sorrel mallow wild mustard/cabbage sloe vetch/pea black medick clover corn gromwell ver vain henbane ribwort plantain red bartsia ivy-leaved speedwell cleavers scentless mayweed knapweed bulrush/grey club rush common spike-rush grass seed grass culm node meadow grass/cats-tails 2 oat grain oat floret base indet. oat/brome brome bur reed 6 2 1 86 3 2 1 1 1 1 4 1 cf.3 1 1 1 23 11 5 1 2 2 1 2 2 1 10 2 8 3 13 4 Charred plant remains: late prehistoric and Roman 11 1 10 1 5 26 2 1 3 2 1 11 1 20 5 ESSEX ARCHAEOLOGY AND HISTORY Enclosure17076 Late Iron Age - Early Romano-British Undated 0 ｃ］ｾＭ］］ 50 100m Ｍ F igure 5 High House: plan (Area 1), Late Iron Age and Romano-British features inner ditch enclosed an area approximately 20m by 12m and was open to the west. A cluster of five small pits (17051 , 17052, 17053, 17054 and 17073) lay within the inner part of enclosure 17076, although only 17051 in the north-east corner produced pottery. It is possible that 17052, 17053 and 17054 were substantial post-holes rather than pits, perhaps belonging to a four-post structure approximately 1.5m square, though no trace of a fourth post was identified. Immediately to the west of enclosure 17076 was a further cluster of small pits, four of which contained Late Iron Age pottery (17026, 17027, 17032 and 17035) and three ( 17028, 17033 and 17034) with no datable fmds. Further to the west were pits 17036 and 1707 1 which lay at either end of gully 170 11, all of which produced pottery. The relationship between these three features is unclear but gully 17011, which was 6.5m long, may have held a fence or shelter. The majority of the pits were between 0.1 Om and 0.25m deep although pit 17036, which was slightly larger than the remainder, was 0.65m deep. Ditch 17007, aligned approximately north/south, was slightly sinuous in plan and extended beyond the limits of excavation. It was only 0.15m deep and appears to have been recut (as 17008) at the nortl1 end where it extended across the west side of enclosure 17076, probably after the latter went out of use, although the arrangement was such that it is possible that the enclosure was largely incorporated within the new ditch system. Ditch 17007 produced a small assemblage of Late Iron Age pottery, and two sherds of Romanised pottery recorded from ditch 17009 may actually have come from ditch recut 17008. Two further Late Iron Age pits (27009 and 27010) lay towards the eastern end of Area 2, both on the northern edge of the excavated area and perhaps part of a larger group. These pits were similar in morphology and fill to those in Area 1. A few late prehistoric features were also identified at Stone House. These comprised seven shallow, subcircular or irregularly-shaped pits (105, 228-31, 237, 312; Figure 14), six of which contained very small quantities of Late Iron Age grog-tempered pottery and one of which (pit 23 7) may have been of slightly earlier, Middle Iron Age date. Part of a possible triangular loomweight was also recovered, and a potin coin (a Kemish Flat Linear 1, dated to the 1st or 2nd century BC) represents an unstratified find. The features were clustered on the spur of higher ground and provide evidence for late prehistoric activity at the edge of the Thames floodplain. Given the conditions of excavation, and the likely effects of intense medieval development, it is possible that other features were removed or went unrecognised, though the recorded distribution is likely to reflect a genuine focus of activity, the nature of which remains unclear. 12 WEST THURROCK Early Romano-British (Figure 5) The Late Iron Age and early Romano-British pottery is discussed together below. The use of L ate Bronze Age I Early Iron Age ditch 17000 at High House as the site of an early Romano-British linear cemetery (see below) is likely to indicate the continuing visibility and significance of this later prehistoric boundary in the early Romano-British period. Certainly the alignment of the ditch and any surviving bank seems to have been influential on the alignment of other ditches dug in the Romano-British period . The earlier ditch may h ave determined the position of a trackway, which became established during the Roman period. This would be one inter pretation of ditches 1700 1, 17002 and 17004 immediately to the west of ditch 17000, with ditch 170 10 forming a more substantial boundary further to the west . Ditches 17001, 17002 and 17004, each between 0.3m and 0.5m deep an d approximately 1.5m wide, lay towards the east end of Area 1. All were aligned approximately north/south and 1700 1 and 17002 extended beyond the limits of excavation. Ditch es 1700 1 (containing one late prehistoric sherd) and 17002 (one Roman sherd) ran parallel to each other, c. 1Om apart, and ditch 17004 (undated) followed the same alignment a short distance to the west. Ditch 17010 also extended b eyond the limits of excavation, and an excavation undertaken in 2008 has shown it to continue for at least a further 50m to the south. This was the most substantial ditch on site, m easuring approximately 4 .5m wide and 1m deep, with a som ewhat irregular, open U-s haped proftle. It contained a fairly homogeneous fill with no evidence for recutting, and although only a small volume was excavated it produced a relatively large pottery assemblage (702 sherds) .This included, as well as vessels in grog-tempered, shelly and sandy fabrics, one sherd from a D ressel 1 amphora, one sherd of South Gaulish samian (form 27 cup) and two sherds of a fine, wheelthrown, white-slipped, oxidised ware. Most of this group could be accommodated within a 1st century BC date range, but the samian and fine oxidised ware serve to extend the date range (at least for secondary fills 10 189 and 10 191) into the second half of the 1st century AD. T his extended date range would accord with that of the grave goods from inhumation burial 17044 in ditch 17000 (see below) which can be dated to the mid I late 1st century AD. H owever, it is possible that the early use of ditch 170 10 overlapped with the fmal phase of Late Iron Age enclosure 17076 and the digging of ditches 17007 and 17008. A fur ther ditch (29302; not illustrated) of probable Roman date was recorded approximately 475m to the west of ditch 170 10 during the watching brief. This was 3.1m wide and 1.1m deep, with aUshaped proftle, and was aligned approximately north/south. T he m ost notable discover y was 14 inhumation burials (Figures 7-11) - two (1 7074 an d 17075) recorded as part of the subsequent watching brief (ARC 3 1OT02) -and two cremation bur ials (17046 and 1704 7; Figure 12), all dug into the top of Late Bronze Age I Early Iron Age ditch 17000 at the east end of Area 1, the Metalwork by Jorn Schuster An Early La Tene-type brooch (Figure 6, 1) was found unstratified at Stone House. It is of Hull's type lBc and can broadly be dated to the 4th century BC (Hull and Hawkes 1987, 107, pl. 32). The pointed-oval decoration seems to be a south-eastern attribute. Figure 6, 2 is a small, socketed reaping hook. The missing tip precludes any more detailed typological consideration but a Late Iron Age or early RomanoBritish date can be assumed (Rees 1979, 464; Manning 1985, 56-58). It is an unstratified m etal detector find recovered during the watching brief to the west of High H ouse. Illustrated objects (Figure 6) 1. 2. Early La Tene type brooch. Incomplete. Leaf-shaped bow has flat cross-section, double-grooved pointed-oval decoration o n front. Foot and catchplate form sharp U-bendfreturn with oval-shaped terminal ending in small snout. H ead and pin missing . Copper alloy, Obj. No. 2, unstratified. Small reaping hook, blade set at right angle to open, flanged socket. Tip of bla de and base of socket missing . Iron, Obj. N o. 134, watching brief, around chainage 29500 (Bronze Shield Yard). Charred plant remains by Chris ]. Stevens A single bulk sample from a M iddle I L ate Iron Age feature (pit 237) at Stone House was analysed (Table 3). This contained relatively few remains but it did produce evidence for both spelt and emmer wheat, showing the continued cultivation of the latter crop in the region through from the Middle Bronze Age to the Roman period (see below) . 0 Figure 6 Copper alloy and iron objects 13 ESSEX ARCHAEOLOGY AND HISTORY also had no evidence for coffins were adult males and the other was a juvenile I subadult of unknown gender. Cremation burial 17047 (adult ?female) contained a copper alloy brooch, and what were probably the remains of copper alloy and glass pyre goods came from cremation burial 17046 (adult) . Both burials were unurned. No mid- or late Roman features or fi nds were identified at High H ouse and there were no Roman features at all at Stone House. However, five sherds of Roman pottery (one early, four late) were found in residual contexts at Stone House, as were two late Roman coins (a Radiate copy of the late 3rd century and a Fel Temp Reparatio 'Fallen Horseman' issue of the 350s AD), hinting at activity in the general area, and perhaps a change in focus to the lower lying flood plain area in the later Roman period. deepest at c. 1m reaching the base of the ditch. The inhumation burials recorded in the excavation comprise 17029, 17037, 17044, 17048, 17056, 17057, 17058, 17059, 17060, 17061 17062 and 17063. The inhumation burials were aligned north/south and, along with the cremation burials, were found along the entire length of the exposed ditch. It is almost certain, therefore, that other burials lie along its continuations to the north and south. Indeed, excavation undertaken in 2008 has revealed two further graves cut into the ditch fills, one approximately 50m to the south, demonstrating that this linear cemetery extended over a distance of at least 1OOm . None of the inhumation burials intercut and they were fairly evenly spaced, the exception being inhumation burial 17062 (the only infant burial), which lay next to inhumation burial 17048. Both cremation burials lay close to inhumation burials but in neither case did they intercut. Nevertheless, what appears to be redeposited, unburnt bone representing a second individual was recovered from the grave fill of inhumation burial 17037 and a very small quantity of cremated bone came from the grave fill of inhumation burial 17057. The inhumation burials comprised six adult males, four adult females and one adult ?female, one juvenile I subadult and one infant. One of the cremation burials was that of an adult ?female, the other an adult of unknown gender. There was clear evidence for coffins in six graves, represented by coffin stains and nails in inhumation burials 17029, 17044 and 17059, and by coffin nails and other fittings in inhumation burials 17057, 17062 and 17063. Human bone generally survived in good condition, the exception being the small quantity of bone from 17062, the one infant burial. All but one of the skeletons were oriented with heads to the north, and the majority were placed in a flexed position on the right side, with one crouched (burial 1706 1), one loosely crouched (burial 17058) and one extended (burial 17056) . Five of the inhumation burials (all adults) included grave goods, or had items such as brooches that indicate clothed burial or shrouds. The most exceptional was inhumation burial 17044 (a male) which was accompanied by four pottery vessels - a platter, a bowl and a jar at the feet, and a platter in the chest area, the latter containing three copper alloy brooches and a broken glass unguent vessel. A further two brooches and a copper alloy ?brooch pin bent into a loop lay nearby, and there were fragments of copper alloy binding, perhaps from a wooden vessel at the feet. The pottery vessels and brooches from this grave can be dated to the mid I late 1st century AD. Four other inhumation burials included copper alloy brooches: 17029 (female) - one, in the chest area; 17059 (male) -one, in the chest area; 17060 (female) - three, all by the legs; and 17061 (female) - two, both in the ch est area. The remaining nine inhumation burials were unaccom panied, but burial 17062 is noteworthy as there were several iron fittings which may indicate that the body (of an infant) was placed in a box with a hinged lid (see below) . It is noted here that three of the four unaccompanied burials which Catalogue of burials All graves certainly or probably contained articulated skeletons, with the exception of 17046 and 17047 which were unurned cremation burials. Inhumation burials 17074 and 17075 were revealed during the watching brief on a service trench immediately to the north of the site, but full recording and recovery of skeletal remains was not possible; the grave cut only was seen in the case of 17075, and neither grave is illu strated in plan here. The inhumation burials were orientated approximately north - south, following the alignment of ditch 17000; 17057 was the exception, with the head to the south. Virtually all of the graves were sub-rectangular in plan, with moderate to steeply sloping or near-vertical sides, and fairly flat bases. Age ranges given are approximate, drawn from Table 4 where fuller osteological details are provided. Inhumation butia/17029 (Figure 8) Grave 10033: 1.90m x 1.05m wide, 0.90m deep (base at 15.64m aOD) . Coffined (1.40 x 0.60m), in NW corner of grave. Human remains: 10067; flexed on right side, facing west, body slumped back. Adult female c. 25-30 yr. Grave goods: Obj. No. 19507: (below left femur) Nauheim-derivative brooch, Hull Type 11A. Four-coil internal chord spring of subcircular section. Flat bow with ver y slight ridge down centre and very faint longitudinal lines, tapers to foot. Small, subrectangular, solid catch plate. Copper alloy, context 10035. Obj. Nos 19501-67 (not illus.): Six iron coffm nails, three at either end of the grave. Inhumation buria/ 1703 7 (Figure 11) Grave 10076: 1.30m x 0.60m wide, 0.75m deep (base at 15.62m aOD). Human remains: 10 125; flexed on right side, facing west. Juvenile I subadult c. 12-13 yr. Foot bones from a second individual, an adult c. > 18yr, came from grave fill. 14 WESTTHURROCK •' Inhumation burial 17044 r'-t9513 ｖＬＹＵＲｾ＠ｾ＠ - - - - .... ) 19514 D"'ｾ＠ cJ ...._ .,.D I ... 10132 i!f: ＱＹＵＬｩｾ A Ske Ieton ｾＬＮ＠ 19529 I 1-- Coffin Ｑｾﾷ＠ "" ｾＨｩ｜＠ｾｾ＠ 19518 ｜｟ＯＱＹＵＲ＠ 19523 19520 ｇｬ｡ｳＺｾ＠ 0 20mm (JVPIM) 0 1m ·-(0) \ Ｌｾ＠ 19521 Ｍｾ＠ 19519 19524 0 Cu alloy objects: I • 10 • I 20mm I I ＺＯＯｾ 19525 0 Pottery: I - - ｾ , ｾＺ｡Ｍ｟＠ 19523 50mm I Figure 7 19522 High House: plan, inhumation burial 17044 15 ESSEX ARCHAEOLOGY AND HISTORY Inhumation burial 17029 I • I I I I I I ....__coFF•Ij Ｍｾ I 19504 Ｎ＠ \ ｾ＠ I 19506 19505 0 Cu alloy objects: I • 10 • 1 20mm I Inhumation burial 17059 Profile A E 19627 Edge ﾷｾ r \ 0294 0 1m Figure 8 ｣ｯｦｩｯｦ＠ 0 Fe objects: ｾ＠ｮｾ＠ 20mm I I Iii High House: plan, inhumation burials 17029, 17059 16 WESTTHURRO CK catchplate. Copper alloy, context 101 14. Obj. Nos 19513-16 & 19526 (not illus.): Five iron coffm nails, one at each corner of grave and one by the left knee. Inhumation buria/17044 (Figure 7) Grave 101 13: 2.10m x 1.1 5m wide, 0.90m deep (base at 15.33m aOD). Coffined ( 1.60m x 0.55m). H uman 1·emains: 10 132; flexed on right side, facing west, body slumped forward. Adult male c. >50 yr. CTemation bw·ia/17046 (Figure 12) Grave 10 128: 1.05m x 0.75m wide, 0.28m deep (base at 15.8 1m aOD ). At tl1e base of the grave fill (10129) were three featureless lumps of fu·ed clay, total weight approximately 1.8kg. Human remains: Fill 10129, adult c. > 18yr. Grave goods : Obj. No. 19517: (at waist) Colchester one-piece brooch. Ten coils, five transverse grooves on wings. Sharp angle at top of rectangular-sectioned bow, tapers towards foot, longitudinal ridge down centre. Perforated, triangular catchplate. Copper alloy, context 10114. Obj. No. 195 18: (at chest) Hod Hill type brooch. Hinged pin (broken), axial rod survives. Very wide subrectangular panel on upper part of bow with moulded lugs either side and transverse groove decoration (ridges beaded). Lower part of bow tapers to footknob with multiple transverse beaded mouldings. Remains of original whitemetal-coating on bow and footknob. Subrectangular catchplate, single circular perforation. Copper alloy, context 10114. Obj. No. 19519: (above arms) ?Brooch pin, bent into oval-shaped loop. Oval cross-section, tapers to point one end. Copper alloy, context 10114. Obj. N o. 19520 : (on planer 1952 1) Small tubular unguent bottle (neck missing), pale blue glass. Obj. No. 1952 1: (above arms) Sarnian form 18 platter, stamped. PRN 80. Obj. No. 19522: (at feet) Greyware narrow-mouthed jar. PRN 82. Obj. No. 19523: (at feet) Binding, in seven fragments, ?all of same object. Rectangular-sectioned strip, severely corroded and bent. One fragment has ovalsectioned rivet attached to one end. Copper alloy, context 101 14. Obj. No. 19524: (at feet) Imitation Cam 56 platter. PRN 8 1. Obj. No. 19525 : (at feet) Samian form 24125 bowl, stamped. PRN 85 . Obj. No. 19527 : (on platter 19521 ) Brooch with spring in cylindrical cover with double-groove decoration at tips, sharp right angle at top of head. Bow has Dshaped cross-section with multiple transverse grooves fllled with ?niello inlay. Triangular, perforated catchplate, pin broken. Copper alloy, context 10 11 4. Obj. No. 19528: (on planer 1952 1) Colchester one-piece brooch. Four transverse grooves on wings, sharp angle from head to bow (also slightly bent postdepositionally). Bow of flat section, tapers slightly towards foot which has small footknob, longitudinal groove down centre. Triangular, perforated catchplate. Copper alloy, context 10 11 4 . Obj. No. 19529: (on platter 1952 1) Langton D own brooch . F lat rectangular-sectioned bow, straight join to cylindrical spring cover, tapers to foot. T inned surface with longitudinal groove decoration, starting only after bend of head into bow and faint transverse lines on outside of spring cover. Triangular, perforated Grave goods: A fragment of copper alloy link and the end of what may have been a pin were recovered by sieving, and a trace of possible melted glass was noted as being fused to a fragment of bone, all possibly representing the remains of pyre goods (not illus.) . CTemation bu1·ial17047 (Figure 12) Grave 10130: 0.50m diameter, 0 .50m deep (base at 16.26m aOD) . H uman remains: Fill 10149 I 10 150 (contained the majority of cremated bone) I 10 15 1, Adult ?female c. 35-45yr. Gmve goods: Obj. No. 19549: Colchester one-piece brooch. Iron axial rod still in place. End half of hook holding external chord split into two strands. Faceted D-sectioned bow, tapers to foot, groove down centre with zigzag decoration. Large perforated triangular catchplate. Tip of pin missing, part (Obj . No. 19551) fo und in context 101 49. Fire patina. Copper alloy, context 10150. Obj. No. 19552: Copper alloy fragment (unid .) (not ill us.) Analysis of the charcoal from this grave shows that Quercus sp (oak) was chosen as the main pyre fuel, its dominance almost certainly reflecting selection for this purpose. Only two other taxa were found, represented by single fragments of Fraxinus excelsior (ash) and Salix I Populus sp (willow I aspen), p erhaps incorporated in the fuel or pyre remains by accident, or the remains of small objects or unworked wood included in the cremation fo r specific properties or associations. Inhumation bw·ia/17048 (Figure 11) G rave 10146: 1.70m x 0.95m wide, 0.45m deep (base at 16.29m aOD ) . Human Temains: 10 148; flexed on left side, facing east. Adult male 40-50yr. Inhumation buria/17056 (Figure 11) Grave 10286: 1.90m x 0.90m wide, 0.35 deep (base at 15.32m aOD). A sligh t step at the nor th end may have been a deliberate feature created to form a headrest. 17 ESSEX ARCHAEOLOGY AND HISTORY Human re11zains: 10287; extended on right side, facing Grave goods: west, body slumped forward slightly. Adult male c. 22-28 yr. Obj. No. 19557: (lower right leg) Colchester-derivative brooch. Axial bar still in place, transverse grooves on wings tips. Large crest on head and ridge extends down centre of bow. Solid, triangular catchplate. Pin broken (=Obj. No. 19586, context 10331). Copper alloy, context 10332. Obj. No. 19558: (lower right leg) Colchester-derivative brooch. Axial rod still in place. Wings plai n, D-shaped bow, tapers slightly to foot, no decoration visible. Solid, triangular catchplate. Pin separate. Copper alloy, context 10332. Obj. No. 19559: (lower right leg) Colchester-derivative brooch. Wings plain, D-sectioned bow with pronounced ridge down centre and beading either side. Bow tapers slightly towards foot. Solid, subrectangular catchplate. Pin separate but retained. Copper alloy, context 10332. Obj. Nos 19566; 19584-5 (not illus.):Three iron ?coffin nails, in N half of grave. Inhumation burial 1 705 7 (Figure 10) Grave 10292: 1.90m x 0.75m wide, 0.75 deep (base at 15.11m aOD). Coffmed (unknown dimensions). Human remains: 10337; flexed on right side, head at south end (tl1e only example with this orientation), facing east. Adult female c. 35-40 yr. 0.8g of cremated bone from a second individual, an infant c. >5yr, came from grave fill. Grave goods: Obj. No. 19561: (south end of grave) Joiner's dog. Rectangular-sectioned bar, widest in middle, arms at approximate right angles, tapering from sides to inward-bent tips. Iron, context 10337. Obj. No. 196 11 : (nortl1 end of grave, precise location uncer tain) Joiner's dog. Rectangular-sectioned bar, both ends tapering, one arm bent at approximate right angle the other at c. 60°. Iron, context 10342. Obj. Nos 19512-15 (not illus.) : Four iron coffin nails, three at S end and one at N end. Possibly three more (unlocated) from soil sample. Inhumation buTia/17061 (Figure 9) Grave 10296: 1.45m x 0.70m wide, 0.65 deep (base at 15.78m aOD). Human remains : 10333; crouched on right side, facing west. Adult female c. 40-50 yr. Inhumation bw·ial 17058 (Figure 11) Grave 10293: 1.35m x 0.65m wide, 0.60 deep (base at 15.45m aOD). Human remains: 10320; loosely crouched position on right side, facing west. Adult male c. 30-50 yr. Grave goods: Obj. No. 19560: (in front of chest) Colchester one-piece brooch. Spring broken, in two parts - right side of spring and pin separate. Iron axial bar. Transverse groove decoration on wings. Sharp right angle at head to bow. Rectangular cross- sectioned bow, tapers towards foot with double longitudinal grooves down centre. Broken triangular catchplate (originally with opening) has been repa ired by fixing subtriangular sheet to old catchplate with two iron rivets. Old part of brooch with blue patina, spring and repaired catchplate with green patina. Copper alloy, context 10333. Obj. No. 19583: (upper chest) Colchester one-piece brooch. Six-coil spring with outer chord, not attached to head of bow where only small stub remains; may be replacement for original spring. Transverse groove decoration on wings. Sharp angle from head to bow. Rectangular-sectioned bow tapers slightly towards foot; raised ridge down centre of bow with grooves either side filled with faint transverse lines. Triangular catchplate with L-shaped perforation, pin-rest missing. Copper alloy, context 10333. Copper alloy brooch. Inhumation buria/17059 (Figure 8) Grave 10294: 1.70m x 0.80m wide, 0.45 deep (base at 15.41m aOD). Coffined ( 1.35 x 0.50m). Human remains: 10305; flexed on right side, facing east, body slumped back. Adult male c. 30-40 yr. Grave goods: Obj. No. 19570: (above upper chest) Colchesterderivative brooch. Transverse groove decoration on wing tips. Crest at top of head continues as pronounced ridge down centre of bow. Zigzag decoration on ridge. Bow tapers slightly towards foot. Large, elaborately perforated, triangular catchplate. Inside of bow shows transverse lines indicative of removal of central casting flash with hammer or small chisel. Copper alloy, context 10304. Obj. No. 19627: Nail, flat head, subrectangular-sectioned tapering shaft. Iron, context 10302. Obj. Nos 1961 7-26; 19628; 19565; 19569; 19581; 19628 (not illus.): Fifteen iron coffm nails, irregularly spaced around edge of coffm (one unlocated) . Inhumation burial 1 7062 (Figu re 10) Grave 10297: 1.15m x 0.85m wide, 0.60 deep (base at 16.13m aOD). Coffined (0.99 x 0.55m; see below). Human remains: 10338. Infant c. 1.5 - 2.5 yr. Inhumation burial 17060 (Figure 9) Grave 10295: 1.65m x 0.75m wide, 0.65 deep (base at 15.73m aOD). Human remains: 10332; flexed on right side, body slumped back? Adult female c. 30-40 yr. Grave goods: Obj. No. 19567: L ong triangular ?hinge plate, slightly shorter than triangular, pierced plate of loop hinge 18 WESTTH URROCK Inhumation burial 17060 0 Cu alloy objects: 1 • 10 • 20mm 1 • Inhumation burial 17061 ｾ＠ｾＭﾷ＠ 0 19583 1m Figure 9 High House: plan, inhumation burials 17060, 17061 19 ESSEX ARCHAEOLOGY AND HISTORY 19592. (Iron sheet frags 19562, 19587 and 19590 may be part of this). Iron, context 10338. Obj. No. 19578 (not illus) : Iron sheet fragment, context 10338 Obj. No. 19591:Joiner's dog. Rectangular-sectioned bar, one arm bent twice at right angles, the other is more rounded, both tips pointing slightly inwards. Iron, context 10338. Obj. No. 19592: Loop hinge. Both parts remaining. Pierced, triangular plate complete with remains of two nails. Looped p late with sides tapering towards missing end, remains of two nail holes, looped end bent at right angles to rest of plate ( cf. Manning 1985, fig.31 , 2). Iron, context 10338. Obj. No. 19595: L-clamp. Wide end of rectangular section, tapering just before right-angled bend to width of stem. Iron, context 10338. Obj. No. 19597: (south-west part of grave) Nail. Spherical head witl1 flattened base, oval cross-section. Square-sectioned shaft tapers to point. Copper alloy, context 10338. Obj. Nos 19562; 19565; 19574-9; 19580; 19588-9; 19593-4, 19596 (not illus.) : Fourteen iron coffin nails. Possibly five more (unlocated) from soil samples. The iron objects (other than the nails) were concentrated in the nortl1-east and south-east corners of the grave, each group including a hinge and clamp or joiner's dog. Together, these suggest a small coffin or box, with a lid hinged on the east side. coffined) and two unurned cremation burials. T wo inhumation grave fills contained fragments of redeposited bone, unburnt in one instance (10077, burial 17037) and cremated in the other (10337, burial 17057) . J\!Iethods Recording and analysis of the cremated bone followed the writer's standard procedure (McKinley 1994, 5- 21; 2000). Age (cremated and unburnt bone) was assessed from the stage of skeletal and tooth development (Beek 1983; Scheuer and Black 2000), and the patterns and degree of age-related changes to the bone (Brothwell 1972; Buikstra and Ubelaker 1994) . Sex was ascertained from the sexually dimorphic traits of the skeleton (Bass 1987; Buikstra and Ubelaker 1994). The variable integrity of the attributed sex is denoted in Table 4 as '??' most likely,'?' probable and un-questioned. Where possible a suite of measurement was taken from the unburnt bone (Brotl1well and Zakrzewski 2004) to enable the calculation of variou s skeletal indices including stature and cranial index (Trotter and Gieser 1952; 1958: Brothwell 1972, 88; Bass 1987). Non-metric traits were recorded in accordance with Berry and Berry (1967) and Finnegan (1978) . T he degree of erosion to the bone was recorded using the writer's system of grading (McKinley 2004a, fig. 7 .1-7) . R esults A summary of the results from analysis is presented in Table 4. Full details are in the archive. The graves had all cut through the fill (s) of northsouth ditch 17000 at the east end of Area 1 (Figure 5) . T he inhumation graves ranged between 0.35m to 1m in depth, with an average of c. 0.7m; the cremation graves had a shallower range of 0.3-0.Sm. There was no intercutting between the extant graves, nor had tl1ey been cut by any other intrusive feature in antiquity. That at least one inhumation grave had been disturbed, however, possibly by the insertion of a later grave, is demonstrated by the recovery of redeposited lower lin1b elements from the grave fill of burial 17037 in the central area of the ditch. The small quantity of redeposited cremated bone (0.8g) from the grave fill of inhumation burial 17057 may represent material not collected for burial from one of the same cremations as represented elsewhere within the assemblage. Remains within two inhumation graves were subject to some level of modern disturbance; the skull in the shallowest grave ( 10286 burial 17056; 0.35m deep) was clipped during machine stripping of the site, and the remains from burial 17074, discovered during the watching brief stage of the investigations, were only partially recovered when the grave was truncated by a service trench (it was not possible to excavate the remainder of the grave for health and safety reasons. The percentage of skeletal recovery from the inhumation graves, which ranged from 2% (infant) to 97% (adult male) with an average of c. 78%, is illustrative of variable levels of bone survival rather than any disturbance. All the surviving bone was root marked and eroded to some degree, with that from four graves being Inhumation buTiall 7063 (Figure 10) Grave 10298: 1.80m x 0.65m wide, 1.00 deep (base at 15.80m aOD). Coffined (unknown dimensions). Human remains: 10341; flexed on right side, facing west. Adult male c. >50 yr. Grave goods: Obj. No. 19573 (not illus.): Glass fragment (?melted) (Unlocated) Obj. Nos 19568; 1957 1-2; 19598-10; 19616; 19667 (not illus.): Seventeen iron coffm nails, mostly around the edge of the grave, with two nails from the grave fill. Inhumation buTia/17074 The dimensions of the grave were not ascertained in the watching brief. It contained 303006, the skeletal remains of an adult, possibly female, c. >45 yr. Only the upper part of the skeleton was recovered, the remainder apparently having been truncated by an earlier service trench, and the burial position could not be determined. Inhumation buTia/17075 Only a small part of the grave cut was seen in the watching brief, and no skeletal material recovered. Human bone by Jacqueline I. M cKinley Human bone was recovered from 20 early RomanoBritish contexts (1 st century AD), including the remains of 13 in situ inhumation burials (six of which were made 20 WESTTHURROCK Inhumation burial 17057 from Xray 19611 Inhumation burial 17063 Skeleton ＱＰｾ＠ｾａ｣ｲ＠ •19615 • Coffin nail • u 19561 Fe object T Cu alloy object 6 Glass ﾷｾｾ＠ 10292 - - 0 Fe objects: I 50mm I ｾｭｱ＠ｾ＠ Q\'l!f--19600 f> 19604-e 19603 from Xray Inhumation burial 17062 19575 19576 • • ｾＮ｟＠ 195n • .... ＱＹＵｾＹ＠ 19578 - T I I I 19595 ＱｾＵＹＰ 19589 1 19580 ﾷ＠ • 10338 v ｾ＠ＹＵＶＷ＠ 19591 1 7-=+ 19562 19597 I 9S8'8":> ｾＱ 957' , 1 Skeleton ｾＱ fl\ I I ｾＹＵＷ＠ 19593 ｾ｜＠ＭｾﾷＮ＠ＹＵＴ＠ 1959s 1 19592 0 19596 Bose 10298 a:==w I 19567 0 from Xray 10mm "'""' "1 o297 0 1m (j] Figure 10 High H ouse: plan, inhumation burials 17057, 17062, 17063 21 \ ._19601 19602 1 ' ESSEX ARCH AEOLOGY AND HISTORY Inhumation burial Inhumation burial Inhumation burial 17048 17056 17037 Inhumation burial 17058 10076 10146 10293 1m 0 Figure 11 High House: plan, inhumation burials 17037, 17048, 17056, 17058 17062) recovered are very poorly preserved. The sex of the individual - probably related to robusticity - m ay have been of some significance; half the male remains were amongst the best preserved as compared with only 20% of the female remains, but a higher proportion of the male remains were also amongst the least well preser ved. The presence/absence of a coffin and/or grave goods appears to h ave been of some, though limited significance; a higher proportion of the bone from the coffmed burials is poorly rather than well preserved and the bone from the 'richest' burial ( 17044) is amongst the most poorly preserved. Post-depositional movement - generally slumping back or forwa rd - of the body had clearly occurred in at least fo ur of the six coffined burials 17029, 17044, 17057 and 17063 .T hree skulls were warped due to soil pressure (in burials 17029, 17058 and 17063; two coffined, one not) and two (in burials 17048 and 1706 1; un-coffmed) were particularly h eavily fragmented; both male and female skulls were affected. Green staining was obser ved on bone from four graves (Table 4). The location of the staining matches that of copper-alloy items in all cases other than burial 1706 1 where no object was recovered adjacent to the left scapula; this suggest tl1at either one of the brooches from this grave m ay have moved from its original position subsequent to decomposition of the soft tissues, or that a third copper-alloy item was subject to post-deposition degradation/destruction. The origin of the dark brown, possibly organic (?leather) staining to the skeleton in burial 17074 is unknown since the nature of its recovery means the in situ position was not recorded . graded 2-3 (slight/moderately degraded) and that from a further four being graded 4-5 (heavily degraded); the rest was moderately degraded. The trabecular bone of the axial skeleton and articular surfaces tend to be most poorly preserved, there being few complete skeletal elements from those deposits with the least well preserved bone. In some graves certain skeletal areas were better (e.g. feet 10341, burial 17063) or less well (e.g. feet and vertebrae 10320, burial 17058 and right side skull 10 125, burial 17037) preserved than others. The best preserved remains were from the coffined burial 17059 (adult male). A variety of factors may affect bone preservation, the most important of which generally comprise the nature of the soil matrix and water permeability (H enderson 1987; Nielsen-Marsh et al. 2000; Millard 200 1). The ditch fill (and, consequently, the grave fills) comprised a rich loam which was probably relatively neutral but encouraged extensive root activity - the cause of much of the degradation to the bone. The deeper graves had cut through the ditch base into the underlying natural of sandy silty clay overlying the degraded chalk, representing a more acidic environment with poorer drainage. The most poorly preserved and least well represented adult remains were from the second deepest grave (0.92 m; 10113, burial 17044); the average depth of the graves containing heavily degraded bone being c. 0.25m greater than the average for those containing the best preserved bone. T here is no consistent pattern in the levels of preservation related to other obvious intrinsic or extrinsic factors, though the bones of the one infant (10338, burial 22 WEST T HURROCK Cremation burial 17046 • "' f!!}j) · ·.:-:· 1 Cu alloy object Burnt clay A ,.-:-:::· .·. Coffin nail Charcoal . .·. · .. . 1m 0 Cremation burial 17047 19549 19550 - ("·""' ?0 A • \ -t -· seclion • 19552 19551 19549/51 0 I • Iii Figure 12 10 • H igh H ouse: plan, cremation bu rials 17046, 17047 T he cremated bone is in good visual condition and includes a relatively representative proportion of trabecular bone as well as the m ore taphonomically stable and robust compact bone. The relatively deep su rviving d epths of the graves render it unlikely that any bone was rem oved from the burials as a result of d isturbance/ truncation. The pelvic traits and the size and robusticity of the bone generally reflect strong sexual dimorp hism, though in one small, gracile female (17 075) and one large, robust m ale ( 17063) the sub-pubic and greater sciatic notch ang les of the pelvis are in the med ial range. T he sexually dimorphic traits of the skull are not strongly marked and at tim es are contradictory; the m andibles of both sexes are commo nly sim ilarly sligh tly squared at the m ental protuberance and flared at the gonion; the su pra-orbital marg ins are rarely pronounced in the m ales and the nuchal crest in both sexes are commonly small; the mastoid processes are frequently u ndiagnostic in size and particularly shape (both between and within individuals, e.g. one side rounded and the other poin ted) . It is clear that graves continu ed to the north of the excavated area, and consequently, an unknown number of ind ivid uals are missing from the cemetery population. Although there was a small cluster of female burials in Demographic data The u nburnt bone assemblage consists of the remains of 14 individuals, comprising two immature ( 14.2%) and 12 adults (85. 7%); the latter comprises a minimum of six m ales, five fe m ales and o ne unsexed ind ividual (Table 4) . Adults of both sexes were iden tified across the age range fr om c. 20 year s to over 50 years; the d istrib ution is almost identical between the sexes, with the m edian around 35- 40 years. T he two individuals identified within the crem ated bone assemblage were both adults, including one p robable female. 23 Burial Grave Context Deposit type Unburntbone 17029 10035 10067 coffmed burial c. 93% 17037 17037 10077 101 25 redep. burial 17044 17048 10076 10076 10 113 10146 10 132 10148 Quantification c. 1% I. c. 94% coffined burial c. 43% burial c. 96% N ""' Age/sex Pathology Grave/pyre goods adult c. 25-30 yr. fem ale adult > 18 yr. juvenile/subadult c. 12-13 yr. hypoplasia; calculus; bowing in fibula shafts; mvshovelling max,. !2, enamel pearl !2, 1 wormian Green staining left distal femur. adult >50 yr. male ad ult c. 40-50 yr. male 17056 10286 10287 burial c. 87% adult c. 22-28 yr. male 17057 10292 10337 coffmed burial c. 91 % 17058 10293 10320 burial adult c. 35-40 yr. female adult c. 35-45 yr. ?male c. 91 % hypoplasia; calculus; periosteal new bone - proximal femora; mv- impacted maxillary left P2/retained deciduous m2, multiple worrnian bones (37), ossicle at lambda, metopic suture, mastoid suture, coalescence left 3rd metatarsal/lateral cuneiform osteoarthritis -left hip; Schmorl's node- 1T ; Fe stained - left distal femur osteophytes - T1 2 rib, L 5 bsm, left temporemandibular, right hip; periosteal new bone -left mandible; enthesophytes - left proximal femur ante monem tooth loss; caries; dental abscess; calculus cribra orbitalia; fracture - rib shaft; rickets - tibia and fibula bowed; periosteal new bone - proximal femora, tibiae shafts; ? leprosy - right middle and proximal phalanges; degenerative disc disease- C7; osteophytes - right foot distal IP, right hip, C6 bsm, T6 bsm, L3-4 bsm; calcified cartilage - thyroid, rib; enthesophytes - proximal femora, patella, calcanea; mv - fusing left 5th distal IP caries; calculus; osteochrondritis dessicans -left femoral medial condyle; ?tuberculosis/brucellosis?T1 , T6-8, T10, L5, Sl ; new bone- right navicular; Schmorl's node-T5, T7-Ll; osteophytes- T9-1 0 bsm; mv - maxillar y right M34 absent, mastoid suture, tarsal coalescences calculus; Schmorl's node - 1T , L4; mv- pegged maxillary I2s, sacralised L 5 with lateral coalitions caries; abscess; calculus; hypoplasia; periodontal disease; ?tuberculosis/brucellosis?- T7- 8, T11 ; osteoarthritis -right wrist; Schmorl's node - T6-7, T9-11 ; osteophytes - atlas anterior facet, left hip; pitting right hip; enthesophytes -right tibia; mv - tooth rotation, wormian bones tT1 (/) (/) tT1 X > :;o () ｾ＠ 0 t"' 0 C) -< ｾ＠ tj :r:: ..,(/) 0 ｾ＠ 17059 10294 10305 coffmed burial c. 97% adult c. 30-40 yr. male 17060 10295 10332 burial c. 90% adult c. 30-40 yr. female 17061 10296 10333 burial c. 94% adult c. 40-50 yr. female 17062 17063 10297 10298 10338 1034 1 coffmed burial c. 2% s. coffmed burial c. 63% N U'l 17074 ? Cremated bone 17046 10 128 17047 10130 17057 10292 Green staining left clavicle shaft, anteriorlateral (left) T2-3, left 1st-3rd ribs Green staining r ight tibia Green staining left scapula, left humerus and anterior of C4 infant c. 1.5-2.5 yr. adult >50 yr. ante mortem tooth loss; caries; dental abscess; male calculus; osteoarthritis - 2T, 2L; osteophytes - 2L bsm; pitting- left hip; enthesophytes - left distal fibula, right navicular, 5th metatarsals; mv - wormian bones adult >45 yr. ante mortem tooth loss; calculus; periodontal disease; dark staining left 2nd ??female osteophytes - atlas anterior facet, right proximal IP rib and left clavicle (hand), right 5th distal IP (hand); degenerative disc disease - 2C; osteoarthritis - 2 right costo-vertebral, left shoulder; pitting - left sterno-clavicular 303006 burial c. 25% s.a.u. 101 29 ?un. burial 188.9g adult> 18 yr. 10131, 10149-51 10337 ?un. burial + rpd redep. 684.8g adult c c. 35-45 yr. ??female > infant (>5 yr.) 0.8g caries; dental abscess; calculus; cribra orbitalia; Schmorl's node-Tll, L4; pitting - both acromioclavicular, 11-12th rib heads, left 9th costo-vertebral; m v - ossicle at lambda, L5-S 1 accessory facet caries; calculus; osteoarthritis - right costo-vertebral; Schmorl's node-T11 ; enthesophytes- iliac crests; plastic changes- right femur and tibia ante mortem tooth loss; caries; abscess; calculus; periodontal disease; ?tuberculosis - left elbow; osteoarthritis - C3-4, 11th costo-vertebral, L5-6, right shoulder; periosteal new bone - left scapula, left ulna, radius and humerus; degenerative disc disease- C5-6, L5; osteophytes- T5-8 bsm, L2 bsm, S 1, right elbow, left 1st and 2 right distal IP (hand), right 1st meta-phalangeal (hand), right 1st proximal IP (hand), hips; pitting- right acromioclavicular; enthesophytes - calcanea; mv - partially sacralised L6 with S 1 coalition, worm ian bone osteophytes- atlas anterior facet, 1L bsm, 1st metacarpal head enthesophytes - distal tibia KEY: un. - unurned; rpd - redeposited pyre debris; s. - skull; a. - axial skeleton; u;- upper limb; l. -lower limb; bsm - body surface margins; m v - m orphological variation Table 4 Human bone: summary catalogue 0.8g unburnt animal bone. Fuel ash slag 0.3g burnt/unburnt animal bone ,g m (/) >-i >-i ::r: c:: "'"' 0 () ｾ＠ ESSEX ARCHAEOLOGY AND HISTORY 10333. There was no clear correlation between increased severity and the age of the individual. Periodontal disease (gingivitis) may lead to bone resorption vvith consequent loosening of the teeth and exposure of more of d1e tooth surface to caries attack. Slight lesions reflective of the condition were observed around one or two molar sockets in two female and one male dentition (2 1.4%; scoring according with Ogden 2005) . The ante mortem loss of between one and four teeth was recorded in two male and two female dentitions.\'<lith d1e exception of one maxillary incisor possibly lost as the result of trauma, all losses were of distal teed1. All those exhibiting tooth loss were over 40 years of age, the higher rates being seen in the older individuals. The overall rate (Table 6) is well below that of 14.1% given by Roberts and Cox for their Romano-British sample of 29 sites (2003, table 3. 12), only four sites wid1in which show similarly low rates to d1ose recorded at High H ouse. D ental caries, resulting from destruction of the tooth by acids produced by oral bacteria present in dental plaque, was recorded in between one and eight (average five) teeth from five male and t\;vo female de ntitions (Table 6). The majority of lesions (c. 63%) were in the molar teeth, with c. 30% in the maxillary premolars and lesions in t\;vo maxillary incisors (adult male 1 034 1). Many lesions ( 4 1.2%) had resulted in total destruction of d1e tooth crown, but where the origin of the lesion was apparent there was a close division between occlu sal (32.3%) and the contact area (26.5%) . T he overall rate (Table 6) is higher than the 7.5% given by Roberts and Cox for the period (2003, table 3.1 0); though several individual sites within their sample have closely similar rates. Three of the older individuals with carious lesion s had also suffered ante mortem tooth loss, most probably as a result of carious destruction. All the affected dentitions had calculus deposits; the female with heavy calculus having carious lesions in six teed1 with the ante mortelll loss of two teeth. T here is a clear increase in the frequency of lesions with age but it is not purely incremental. Infection from gross carious lesions had tracked into the supportive structure resulting in dental abscesses in four male and one female dentition. All but one have a single lesion and all except one lesion is in the maxillary dentition where the infection had, in each case, tracked the central area of the ditch, both sexes were found along its length with d1e few immature individuals recovered dispersed amongst them; this suggests that there is unlikely to be any spatial distribution on the bases of age and/or sex in the ditch external to the excavated segment. The low proportion of immature individuals is not unusual within archaeological populations, with a variety of possible intrinsic (e.g. taphonomic) and extrinsic (e.g. exclusion of young infants) factors having been suggested to explain the occurrence. The ver y poor bone survival in the one excavated infant grave at H igh H ouse could mean od1ers in less clearly defined graves (e .g. no goods/coffin or shallower) could have been lost from the assemblage. Skeletal indices and non-llletric traits A summary of the indices it was possible to calculate is given in Table 5 and some non-metric traits/ morphological variations are indicated in Table 4. Further details and discussion regarding d1ese figures have been placed in the archive. Stature was estimated for eight individuals including four females and four males. Both the male and female means of 1.67m and 1.58m are just below the averages given for the period by Roberts and Cox (2003, 163) of 1.69m and 1.59m respectively. Pathology Pathological changes were observed in the remains of 13 individuals including one of the two cremated adults; Table 4 contains a summary of the pathological lesions observed and the bones affected. All the rates shown below refer only to remains from d1e unburnt assemblage. Dental disease All or parts of 12 erupted permanent dentitions were recovered including from all the sexed ad ults and the juvenile/subadult. Dental calculus (calcified plaque/tartar) was observed in all surviving dentitions except 10 132 where no teeth were recovered. Slight-moderate deposits were most commonly observed, with the heaviest deposits anterior labial or disto-lingual; heavy deposits, covering the occlusal surface of the teeth, were observed in the right distal mandible and maxilla from the mature adult female Fem ale Estimated stature Cranial index Platymeric index Platycnemic index Robusticity index Male Range Mean 1.54- 1.63m (5' W'- 5' 4") 69 .8-73.3 7 1.3- 94.6 65.9- 87.5 114.1- 128.8 1.58m (5' ＲｾＢＩ＠ (SD 1. 78) (SD 10.3) (SD 10.8) (SD 7.36) 71.7 83.2 76.3 12 1.7 (Data derived from left side measurements; SD Table 5 ＨＵＧＳ Range Mean 1.61- 1.75m ｾＢＭ 5'8%") 63.3-76.3 73.3-78.1 67.8-81.1 12 1.8-134. 1 1.67m (5' 5%") 70.3 (SD 6.5) 76.6 (SD 2.0) 74.6 (SD 5.9) 126.4 (SD 5.36) = standard deviation) Human bone: summary of metric data 26 WESTTHURROCK few reported cases from Roman Britain, Roberts and Cox giving a CPR of 0.2% (2003, 11 9). There are three possible cases from High H ou se, though there are differential diagnoses for each and all are inconclusive. In two cases- 10287 (young adult male) and 10320 (mature adult male) - lytic lesions in mostly thoracic vertebrae may have been tuberculous in origin and represent an early stage of tl1e djsease. Destructive lesions - some representing several coalesced lesions, some witl1 slight sclerosis and one with small spicules of new bone - were recorded in tl1e anterior margins of generally ilie inferior body surface in a possible seven, mostly adjacent vertebrae from 10287 (Table 4; Plate 1). In most cases there is slight loss in tl1e anterior height of the vertebral body. Similar, botl1 in location and form, tllough sbghtly more extensive destructive lesions with slight sclerosis were observed in two non-adjacent tlloracic vertebrae in 10320, one oilier adjacent vertebra showing loss in anterior body height and indications of sub-surface lesions in tile x-radiograph. In botll cases a differential diagnosis of brucellosis may be offered. A recurrent or acute infectious disease caused by any species of Brucella, brucellosis is an occupational disease in individuals working witl1 cattle or oilier aninlals which may form a host for iliese intercellular parasitic organisms (interpersonal transmission is uncommon), infection by which, tllough rarely fatal, can be debilitating and prolonged (Aufderheide and Rodriguez-Martin 1998, 192- 193) . D estructive and reparative processes tend to occur simultaneously in brucellosis in contrast to ilie largely destructive processes in tuberculosis, though ver tebral body collapse is not normally associated witi1 tile former. Spinal tuberculous lesions, however, tend to include a maximum of between two and four adjacent vertebrae, generally in ilie lower ilioracic/lumbar region (Roberts and Manchester 1997, 138- 139). Botll diseases are more common in males, tile onset of tuberculosis tending to be in ilie young, while brucellosis is usually seen in individuals over 30 years of age (Aufderheide and Rodriguez-Martin 1998, 192-193; Roberts and Cox 2003, 229). The spinal lesions from High H ou se have some characteristics of boili conditions bu t not all of eitller, consequently diagnosis is inconclusive. The tllird possible case of tuberculosis is tllat of ilie adult female 10333, who had experienced total destruction of tile left elbow joint, witll ankylosis of ilie foreshortened radius (by c. 30mm) and ulna (c. 15mm), and loss of most (c. 1OOmm) of the distal half of ilie humerus (Plates 2 and 3) . T here was limited new bone formation resulting in sm ootll ankylosis of tile radius and ulna. Infection of tile periosteum had resulted in fairly extensive new bone formatio n; coarse-grained around through to the buccal surface of the bone. The overall rate is below the mean of 3. 9% from Roberts' and Cox's sample (2003, table 3.13) . Very slight dental hypoplasia (developmental defects in the tooth enamel reflective of periods of illness or nutritional sn·ess in the immature individual; Hillson 1979) was obser ved two dentitions. Both the crude prevalence rate (CPR 14.3%) and the true prevalence rate (TPR 7%) are close to those recorded for the period by Roberts and Cox (2003, table 3.16); 13.5% and 0.1 % respectively. Trauma Evidence for trauma was limited in both extent and severity. Lesions of p robable traumatic origin were observed in two adult males, giving a similar C PR (14.2%) to that of 10.7% reported by Roberts and Cox for the period (2003, 151) . A well-healed, transverse rib fracture with slight dorsal displacement of one half was recorded in 10148 (1/114 ribs; 0.9%) . Such fractures are amongst the most common seen in archaeological populations and generally result from a fall against a hard object (Adams 1987, 107) . Although considered an idiopathic metabolic djsorder by some workers, osteochondritis dissecans is generally believed to be traumatic in origin resulting in localised bone necrosis (Rogers and Waldron 1995, 28-30; Roberts and M anchester 1997, 87-89; Aufderheide and Rodriguez-Martin 1998, 8 1-83; Knlisel 2000, 11 6) . A classic, unilateral example was observed in the left femoral medial condyle of 10287 (1 /20 d istal femora). The apparentl y high CPR of 7.1 % compared with the average for the period of 0.2% (Roberts and Cox 2003, 151) has undoubtedly been skewed due to the small size of t11e population. Infections Tuberculosis is a chronic bacterial infection caused by mycobacterium tuberculosis/bovis, infection resulting from eitl1er ingesting infected food or by droplet infection from another individual (Ortner and Putscher 1985, 141-1 76; Roberts and Manchester 1997, 135-142; Aufderheide and Rodriguez-Martin 1998, 118- 141 ) . The condition affects the skeleton in a minority of cases - c. 3% in m odern populations (Ortner and Putscher 1985, 142)the spine being affected in c. 25- 50% of cases (Roberts and Manchester 1997, 138; Aufderheide and RodriguezMartin 1998, 12 1). Phthisis or pulmonary tuberculosis was recognised by G reco-Roman medical writers as a serious and common problem, particularly amongst the urban poor Gackson 1988, 180-1 ) . There are relatively Female (5 dentitions) Male(6 dentitions) T otal (incl. unsexed) Teeth Socket positions Ante mortem tooth loss Caries Abscesses 136 137 303 149 145 323 9 (6.0%) 7 (4.8%) 16 (4.9%) 14 (10.3%) 20 ( 14.6%) 34 (11.2%) 1 (0.7%) 5 (3 .4%) 6 (1.9%) Table 6 Human bone: summary of permanent dentitions by sex 27 ESSEX ARCHAEOLOGY AND HISTORY Plate 1 Lytic lesions in anterior margins of three thoracic vertebrae inferior bodysurfaces (inhumation burial 17056, context 10287, young adult male); possible tuberculosis or brucellosis the joint area, particularly the c. 60mm distal ' butt-end' of the humerus shaft and patchy fine-grained new bone across most of the remaining humerus shaft, the proximal shafts of the ulna and radius, and the ventral surfaces of the left scapula. X-radiograph shows retention of original cortex within much of the distal half of the humerus and the proximal ulna, but total destruction of the joint and no internal foci of infection or sinuses. There is little apparent atrophy of the bones of the forearm in comparison with the unaffected right side, suggesting the joint destruction occurred over months rather than years. The location of the lesions, with marked destruction and limited reparative processes, are characteristic of tuberculous infection, as is the involvement of a single joint, the elbow being a relatively common site where the initial lesion is generally in the humerus - which may be reflected in the comparatively high level of destruction of this bone (Roberts and Manchester 1997, 137-8; Aufderheide and Rodriguez-Martin 1998, 140). A possible differential diagnosis is for septic or pyogenic arthritis, which while it shares many of the characteristics of tuberculosis- single joint, highly destructive- is more rapid, tends to be less destructive (ibid. 140), involves the formation of much proliferative new bone and more common ankylosis (Rogers and Waldron 1995, 96). Whatever the cause, this individual would have experienced exquisite pain, with massive inflammation around the joint which would have rendered most of the arm inoperative, together with the general debilitation resulting from such major infection, and the possible spread of septicaemia which may have been the cause of death. A possible case of tuberculoid leprosy was recorded from High House, in the remains of a mature adult male ( 10 148). A chronic infectious disease, with a long incubation period and slow progress, leprosy is caused by mycobacteTiwn lepra, which may be transmitted by skin contact or droplet inhalation (Roberts and Manchester 1997, 142-150) . Infection is mainly of the peripheral nerves, leading to loss of sensation and function, with frequent secondary infection due to insensitive tissue damage. Classic bony changes include absorption of the toe and finger bones and the nasamaxillary area of the face, with common secondary infection in the lower leg (ibid.; Aufderheide and Rodriguez-Martin 1998, 145-6). T he severity and distribution of the lesions is dependant on the immune status of the individual; higher immunity is more likely to lead to the less mutilating tuberculoid leprosy rather than the more damaging lepromatous form (Roberts and Manchester 1997, 147). Rhinomaxillary featu res are absent in tuberculoid cases, though the bone lesions occur earlier and more intensively (Aufderheide and Rodriguez-Martin 1998, 145-6). Changes are often bilateral but rarely symmetrical (ibid. 151). The disease 28 \XfESTTHURROCK Plate 2 Left ar m bone from inhumation burial 17061 (skeleton 10333, adult female) showing total destruction of the elbow joint, with foreshortening and ankylosis of the radius and ul na. Possible tuberculosis or septic/pyogenic arthritis. Plate 3 Inhumation burial 1706 1 (skeleton I 0333, adult female) 29 ESSEX ARCHAEOLOGY AND HISTORY was included in the condition referred to as 'elephantiasis' by Greco-Roman writers and was described by Celsus Gackson 1988, 182-4). Two cases have been described from Late Roman Britain, from Poundbury, Dorset and Cirencester, Gloucester (Reader 1974; Molleson 1993, plate 63; Roberts and Cox 2003, 120); M olleson gave a differential diagnosis of psoriasis for the Poundbury case bu t the lesions do have the characteristics of leprosy (ibid.). The changes to 10148 were limited to two of the surviving seven right foot phalanges; there were no rhinomaxillary changes nor were any changes observed in the finger phalanges (26 of 28 recovered), or any of the left foot bones (7 of 14 recovered). The distal articular surface of a small (u n- numbered) midd le phalanx is eroded/ resorbed centrally with micro-pitting in the affected area, and the distal end of the 5th proximal is eroded producing a foreshortened ' pencilling' effect with no distal articular surface (Plate 4); in at least the latter case the implication would be for similar destruction of the adjacent middle and presumably distal phalanges. The only other possibly associated lesion is fine grained, plaque-like periosteal new bone over the proximal halves of the anterior-lateral tibiae shafts; similar patchy new bone was recorded on the proximal lateral shaft of both femora but the fibulae were devoid of such changes. Although not conclusive, if this were to represent a case of leprosy, the implied low severity of the condition suggests high immunity in the individual which may have been enhanced if the suggested tuberculosis was present within the population; there being a degree of cross-immunity between the two diseases in which the latter would take precedence (Manchester 1983, 44). A possible alternative diagnosis would be psoriatic arthropathy, but there is none of the bony proliferation generally observed in such cases (Rogers and Waldron 1995, 70-77). Infection of the periosteal membrane covering bone may lead to the formation of periosteal new bone. Infection may be introduced directly to the bone as a result of trauma, develop in response to an adjacent soft tissue infection, or spread via the blood stream from foci elsewhere in the body. It is commonly difficult to detect the causative factors involved in individual cases and the lesions are frequently classified as indicative of a nonspecific infection. In addition to the cases outlined above in association with specific infections, periosteal new bone was recorded in the remains of two other individuals. A small area of fme-grained new bone was recorded over the remodelled surface of the left mandibular condyle from 10132 (older adul t male) in which other changes indicative of arthritis were also obser ved. Bi-lateral lesions in the proximal medial femoral shafts from 10125 (juvenile/su badult), just inferior to spiral lines, corresp ond with a slightly ra ised oval area in the bony contours on the left side; Xradiographs shows thinning of the cortical bone in tl1is discrete area on both sides but no penetration to medullary cavity. Plate 4 Right 5th proximal foot phalanx from inhumation burial 17048 (context 10148, mature adult male) showing erosion of distal end; possible tuberculoid leprosy Joint disease Similar lesions - osteophytes (new bone growtl1 on joint surface margins) and other forms of new bone development, and micro- and macro-pitting - may be formed as a consequence of one of several different disease processes (Rogers and Waldron 1995). Parts of 12 spines were recovered and extra-spinal joints from 13 individuals (Table 7) . Schmorl's nodes (a pressure defect resulting from a rupture in the intervertebral disc; Rogers and Waldron 1995, 27; Roberts and Manchester 1997, 107), commonly affect young adult spines. Shallow lesions of limited extent were observed in between one and five vertebrae from two female and four male spines; the largest number of lesions were recorded in tl1e spine of the young adult male (1 0287). T here were no lesions above TS, the majority falling between T9 and T11 . The much higher rate amongst the males is commonly observed in archaeological populations and reflects the different, probably occupational stresses incurred by males and females.T he overall rate of 8. 1% is much lower than the average of 17. 7% for the period given by Roberts and Cox (2003, table 3.21). Degenerative disc disease, resulting from the breakdown of the intervertebral disc and reflecting agerelated wear-and-tear (Rogers and Waldron 1995, 27), was recorded in one male and two females spines, in individuals of more man 40 years. Between one and tl1ree vertebrae were affected per spine, all but one lesion occurring in the cervical region, with higher rates in the female spines. 30 WEST THURROCK Female (all categories) Male (all categories) Total (incl. unsexed) Tota l no. vertebrae Osteoarthritis Schmorl's n odes Degenerative disc disease Lone osteophytes Lone pitting 89 38% total 123 52.6% total 234 4 c.4.5% 1 c. 0. 8% 5 c. 2.6% 3 c. 3.4% 16 c. 13% 19 c. 8.1 % 5 c. 5.6% 1 c. 0.8% 6 c. 2.6% 12 c. 13 .5% 14 c. 11.3% 26 c. 11.1% c. 1.1% 2 c. 1. 6% 3 c. 1.3% Table 7 Human bone: summary of number and rates of spinal lesions by sex Lesions indicative of osteoarthritis (Rogers and Waldron 1995, 43-44) were seen in the remains of six individuals; spinal lesions in one male and one female, and extra-spinal lesions in two males and three females. Between one and six joints were affected in each case and there is evidence to indicate an age-related increase in the number of sites affected; the highest numbers of sites being in individuals of over 45 years. Spinal lesions were seen in all areas of the spine (Table 7). Extra- spinal lesions were seen in c. 0. 7% of joint surfaces; c. 1.3% of female joints and c. 0.4% of male. Affected joints included the shoulder (11.8%), wrist (7.1 %), hip (4.8%) and costo-ver tebral joints (3 .5%) . Most changes were slight to moderate, with moderate-severe changes only in the case of the left shoulder joint fro m 303006 where the glenoid surface was flattened and extended (marginal osteophytes) with eburnation and macro-pitting across the whole inferior half. The C PR for spinal lesions is similar to the overall rate of 13% stated by Roberts and Cox, the rate of 35.7% for the extra-spinal lesions being con siderably higher than their mean of 11 .1 % (2003, tables 3.20-2 1) . L one osteophyt es often appear to be a ' normal accompaniment of age', reflective of 'wear-and-tear' (Rogers and Waldron 1995, 25-26). L esions were recorded in five male and two female spines (Table 7), three males and both females also having extra- spinal lesions (1.7% joint surfaces); between two and 14 sites were affected per individual (Table 4). Individuals across the adult age range were affected - particularly in the spinal body surface margins - the greatest number of sites being recorded in those bet\¥een 40- 50 years of age. Some of the lesions may be reflective of the early stages of osteoarthritis. Lesions were also observed at three sites in the remains from cremation burial 17047 (Table 4). As with osteophytes, macro- and micro-pitting in the surfaces of synovial joints may develop in response to a number of conditions and it is not always p ossible to ascer tain the specific cause of individual lesions, though it is probable that they are most commonly reflective of the early stage of osteoarthr itis. L one extra-spinal lesions were seen in the remains of three males and fou r females, at between one and five sites in each case (c. 1.0%). Enthesophytes are bony growths which may develop at tendon and ligament insertions on the bone. Causative factors include advancing age, traumatic stress, or various diseases (Rogers and Waldron 1995, 24-25). It is not always possible to be conclusive with respect to the aetiology of particular lesions, but they are commonly seen in the anterior surface of the patella and posterior surface of calcanea where they reflect activity related stress. Lesions were observed at b etween one and five sites in the remains of four males and two females (Table 4); lesions were also recorded at one site the remains from cremation burial 1704 7. Metabolic conditions Cribm orbitalia (manifes t as pitting in the orbital roof) is generally believed to result from a metabolic disorder associated with childhood iron deficiency anaemia, though other contributory factors are also recogn ised (Molleson 1993; R oberts and Manchester 1997, 166-9) . Slight/moderate porotic lesions were recorded bi-laterally in the orbits of t\¥0 adult males (TPR 25% overall, 50% male orbits) . Both thisTPR and the CPR of c. 14.3% are higher than the averages for the period of 16 .9% and 9.6%, respectively (Roberts and Cox 2003, table 3.17), though the fo rmer is taken from only two sites in th e overall sample (due to differences in recording) and the latter may not be, by its nature (taken fro m MNI counts rather than percentage of affected skeletal elements), a representative rate. Vitamin D enables the body to absorb calcium and phosphoru s which are needed for bone mineralization both in the growing child and in adults (Aufderheide and Rodriguez-Martin 1998, 306; Roberts and Manchester 1997, 173-4; Brickley et al. 2005, 390-1 ; Mays et al. 2006) . T he majority of the body's requirements are gained fro m absorbed solar irrad iation with a smaller proportion being supplied by dietary intake of animal and fis h oils (R oberts and Manchester 1997, 173- 4; M olleson and Cox 1993, 45) . Rickets, a deficiency in the early stages of childhood, may reflect a number of facto rs leading to porosity and deformity of the 'soft', inadequately mineralised bone under mechanical stress, one of the most characteristic features being 'bending' in the weight-bearing bones (Aufderheide and RodriguezMartin 1998, 306; Roberts and Manchester 1997, 173-4; Mays et al. 2006) . Bending lesions were observed in the tibiae and fibula shafts of one adult male from High H ouse ( 10 148), who was also one of the two individuals from the site with cribm orbitalia. The bowing in the fibula shaft of the adult female 10067 may have the same origin, but in the absence of similar changes in the tibiae the aetiology is likely to be different. A small proportion of individuals from a minimum of six Rom ano-British 31 ESSEX ARCHAEOLOGY AND HISTORY Nauheim derivative brooch Obj . No. 195 07 from inhumation burial 17029 (Figure 8) is of the type with a flat bow which in Britain is confined to tl1e southern counties and commonly dated to tl1e middle decades of the 1st century AD (Stead and Rigby 1989, 109, 123; Bayley and Butcher 2004, 147) . Although the catchplates in these brooches are ver y often lost or damaged, where comparison is p ossible Obj. No. 19507 has a rather smaller catchplate than the average. sites have previously been diagnosed with the condition, with a low CRP of 0.8% (Roberts and Cox 2003, table 3.18). Pyre technology and cremation ritual Most of the cremated bone was white in colour indicating a high level of oxidation (H olden et al. 199Sa and b). Some slight colour variation - hues of grey and blue to black (charred) - indicative of varied levels of oxidation was observed in a few fragments of skull and lower limb bone from burial 17047. Such minor variations are unlikely to be indicative of any unusual aspects in the cremation process or rite, areas of the body peripheral to the pyre and those with dense soft tissue coverage most commonly showing such variation (McKinley 2008). The weights of bone recovered from the two undisturbed burials (17046 and 17047) were 188.9 and 684.8g respectively, and this is likely to be closely representative of the quantity initially included in the grave though there may have been some slight postdepositional loss of trabecular bone. The quantities represent c. 12% and c. 43% by weight of the average total expected from an adult cremation (McKinley 1993) . Such wide variation in bone weights is common, that fro m 17046 lying in the lower range of weights for the period and that from 17047 in the median range (M cKinley 2004b, 295-8). It currently remains unclear why such great var iations existed though the 'status' of the individual may have been of some significance (ibid.) . As is commonly observed, identifiable fragments from all skeletal areas were included in the burials, the various prop ortions from burial 1704 7 fitting within what qualifies as a 'normal' distribution. The paucity of skull elements from burial 17046, representing only 0.4% of the identifiable elements, is unusual and suggests deliberate exclusion, or possibly deliberate removal for deposition/distribution somewhere other than within the grave. Su ch an occurrence is rare but has been obser ved in some other Romano-British burials (ibid. 301). T he relatively frequent recovery of tooth roots and the small bones of the hands and feet, particularly from burial 17047 (2 1 elements; five in 17046), is believed to be linked with the mode of recovery employed to collect bone from the pyre site for burial, with en masse recovery followed by subsequent winnowing rather tl1an the hand recovery of individual fragments (M cKinley 2004b, 300-1). The majority of the bone in both b urials was recovered from the 1Omm sieve fraction (c. 66%) with maximum fragment sizes of 48mm and 70mm. It is likely that the unurned status of the burials may have rendered the bone susceptible to some increased fragmentation but there is no conclusive evidence to suggest deliberate fragmentation of the bone prior to burial. ｍ Colchester one-piece brooches H awkes and Hull Type III With a lengti1 of81 mm Obj. No. 19549 from cremation burial 17047 (Figure 12) is among ilie larger examples of its type. Close parallels for its fretted catchplate and ilie decoration of the bow can b e found in graves at Verulamium, King H arr y L ane site (KHL), for example graves 205 and 230 (Stead and Rigby 1989, fig. 127, 205:5; fig. 132, 230:2), and at Colchester (H awkes and Hull1947, pl. LXXXIX, 9-11). At KHL iliese brooches occur in graves of phases 1 to 3, spanning ilie first half of tl1e 1st century AD (Stead and Rigby 1989, 89) . T he patina of Obj. No. 19549 is markedly different to all other brooches from tl1e small cemetery assemblage at High H ouse, which suggests iliat it had been placed on ilie pyre, eitl1er as a pyre good or dress accessory. Furiliermore, it is distinguished by its split chord hook; wheilier tl1is is intentional or ilie result of distortion due to the heat of the fire remains uncertain. Obj . Nos 195 17 and 19528 from inhumation burial 17044 (Figure 7), and Obj. Nos 19560 and 19583 from inhumation burial 1706 1 (Figure 9), are smaller examples of Colchester one-piece brooches, all with fairly flat-profiled bows displaying a sharp angle between head and bow. All have strongly grooved side wings and perforated catchplates; that in Obj . No. 19560 has been skilfully repaired by attaching a copper alloy sheet to ilie broken remains of the old catch plate witi1 two iron rivets. Equally, Obj. No. 19583 may have a replaced spr ing, as ilie beginning of the spring is not attached to ilie head of ilie bow, where only a small stub remains of ilie possibly original spring. A small moulding at the foot end of Obj. No. 19528 is a feature more commonly found on some Colch ester two-piece brooches, where it is more pronounced, for exam ple Richborough group s aiii and dii (Bayley and Butcher 2004, fig. 64; fig. 68). Equally, ilie rocker-mark on a r idge rather than in a groove on Obj. No. 19 517 is a trait pointing towards ilie two-piece variants (e.g. Hawkes and Hull 1947, pl. XCI, 36-38; Bayley and Butcher 2004, fig. 63, 167; Stead and Rigby ｩｯｾｎ･ｲｮｩ｡ｮ＠ date for the 1989, fig. 43, 69-73). A ｃｬ｡ｵ､ group of brooches from inhumation burials 17044 and 17061 is therefore suggested, ｾｴ｡ｬｷｑｲｫ＠ /3ro{Jches wz'th cylindTical spring cover The only two brooches of this construction were placed on a sa.mian platter (Obj. No. l952l) in inhumation burial17044 (Figure 7). Aliliough boti1 brooches appear to belong to Hawkes and Hull Type XII B, the very by ]Om ｓ｣ｨｵｳｴｾｲ＠ ET{J(J(Jhe$ Of the 13 brooches from the cemetery, 12 came from five inhumation burials and one from a cremation burial. 32 WESTTHURROCK different treatment of the bow allows some more detailed typological discussion. Obj. No. 19527 is of Riha's type 4.2.3 which is distinguished from other variants by its niello-inlayed bow. T hese inlays can take various forms like triangles, wavy hook motives, thin crescent-shaped lines or, as here, straight lines set at an angle either side of the ridge (Riha 1979, Taf. 17, 454) . T he dated examples from Augst on the Upper Rhine provide Claudian dates, with some extending to the Flavian period. A more elaborate example of this type from grave 157 at KHL has a bow with a curved-hook inlay of copper (Stead and Rigby 1989,95, fig. 11 6, 157 :4) .The grave belongs to period 2 of the cemetery, providing a date range of AD 30-55. H awkes and Hull (1 94 7, pl. XCV, 108) show one example of Riha's type 4. 2.3 from a period IV context, thus givin g a Claudio-Neronian date. Obj. No. 19529 is a variation of the Langton Down typ e. T he straight join of the bow to the cylindrical spring cover, combined with an outer profile of the bow tapering towards tl1e foo t with only a ver y gentle curve, can be found in Feugere's type 14b 1a which has a plain bow. In contrast to the L angton Down type as a whole, Feugere's type 14b1a is rather uncommon, botl1 on the continent and in Britain, but British parallels exists for the shape of the bow at Baldock (Stead and Rigby 1986, fig . 45, 92), Colchester (Hawkes and Hull 1947, pl. VCIV, 97), M aldon (ibid., pl. XCV, 103) and Verulamium (Stead and Rigby 1989, fig. 99, 68:6) . In contrast to oilier types of L angton D own brooches which have bows with multiple parallel grooves, in Obj. No. 19529 these take the fo rm of faint lines, only starting after the transition from head to bow. T he few dates Feugere (1985, 266) could find for his type 14b1a range between the Tiberian and Claudio-Neronian periods. Bayley and Butcher (2004, 150) suggest that Langton D own brooches were going out of use by the time of the Roman Conquest but some cherished sp ecimen may have continued in use. H owever, this seems less likely for Obj. No. 19529 as it exhibits signs of only moderate wear. Colchester-derivative brooches H awkes and H ull type IV Four brooches belong to this type which is a development of the Colchester one-piece brooch . T he change to twopiece consu·uction has recently been linked to a change in metal availability: Colchester one-piece brooches were made of brass, while the two-p iece brooches were predominantly leaded bronze (Bayley and Butcher 2004, 155). Based on the study of the Richborough assemblage (ibid., 82-9), the u·eatment of the bow in the examples from High House allows two variants to be distinguished. Obj. N o. 19570 from inhumation burial 17059 (Figure 8) has a cenu·al rib down the whole lengd1 of the bow. A zigzag line on lie rib starts behjnd tl1e plain crest on the head of the brooch. Its length of 62 mm places it in Bayley and Butcher's group ai. Obj. Nos 19557 and 19559 from inh umation burial 17060 (Figure 9) belong to the same group, although the rib of the former becomes very faint towards the foot. Group a is especially common in the south-eastern counties of England (Bayley and Butcher 2004, 157) . It has been suggested that the plain, arched bow as seen in Obj. N o. 19558 from inhumation burial 17060 (Figure 9) is a western variant (B utcher 2001 , 49, 53; Bayley and Butcher 2004, 15 7), but the transition from bow to catchplate in this example is markedly stepped rather than the flowing treatment of this detail seen in the brooches from, for example, Wanborough, Wiltshire. T he date range of the Colchester two-piece brooches overlaps vvith the end of the on e-piece type, mainly dating to the early second half of the 1st centur y AD as at Colchester (c. 50-65 AD. Hawkes and H ull 1947, 3 1011 ). T he plain version can also occur slightly later (Butcher 2001 , 53). Repaimd brooches Repairs as on Ob j. No. 19560, and possibly Obj . No. 19583, both from inhumation burial 1706 1 (Figure 9), are generally very rare on Roman period brooches. W here con sidered during analysis, tl1eir occurrence is frequently well below 1% as, for example, at Richborough (three of at least 445 brooches; Bayley and Butcher 2004, 34) or Augst and K aiseraugst in Switzerland (0. 07 %; Riha 1979, 37; Riha 1994). In German ic contexts beyond the limes, however, levels of repairs have been reported at between 6-1 4 %, which was considered to reflect the greater difficulty in replacing a broken piece wiili an entirely new object (Schuster 2006, 13 1-2). Hod Hill brooch Hawkes and Hull type XVIII B Obj. No. 195 18 from inhumation burial 17044 (Figure 7) has a bow with a subrectangular panel with centrally placed knobs either side, details characteristic of Riha's type 5.7.6. At Colchester, similar brooches were found in Claudio-Neronian contexts (H awkes and Hull 1947, pl. XCVII, 147-149) . T he best parallels can, however, be fo und at Augst, where som e examples even match the beading on lie longitudinal ridges of the central panel (e.g. Riha 1979, Taf. 33, 892-6; Riha 1994, Taf. 25, 2406; Taf. 26, 241 0, 24 12), as does one at Baldock (S tead and R igby 1986, 11 8 fig. 47,119) fo und in a context with a date range of AD 90 to 120. H od Hill type brooches are thought to have gon e out of general use by about AD 70 (Bayley and Butcher 2004, 152-3) . Observations regarding the placement of brooches in the graves Brooch Obj . No. 19570 from inhumation burial 17059 was found above the left clavicle (collarbo ne) in a position in which it migh t have been worn as a dress accessory by the male individual buried in that grave. In the fo ur other inhu mation burials which contained brooches, the function of the brooches is not always related to the garment worn by d1e deceased. T he three brooches from inhumation burial 17060 were found in a line along the right tibia where they might have closed a 33 ESSEX ARCHAEOLOGY AND HISTORY 19591 ), an L-clamp (O bj. No. 19595) and one loophinge (Obj. No. 19592) in inhumation burial 17062 (Figure 10) . A second loop-hinge was probably fitted at d1e north-western corner of d1e coffin or box in inhumation burial 17062; however, only one of the u·iangular straps (Obj. No. 19567) could be identified, but d1e sheet fragments (Obj. Nos 19562 and 19587) may be part of it. shroud rather than an item of clothing. In inhumation burial 17029, the only brooch (Obj. No. 19507) lay near the lower left femur, and in the crouched burial 17061 one brooch lay above the pathologically deformed left elbow, while the other was found further away from d1e body at the edge of the grave cut. In both graves the brooches were not closed, which may indicate that they were not used to close a garment but were perhaps rather included in the burial as a gift or grave good. This aspect is certainly true for the three brooches placed on the samian p latter (Obj. No. 19521 ) in inhumation burial 17044. All were lying with their springs and catchplates facing more or less upwards, a position which can only be achieved if propped up in some way. As none of the brooches was closed, it may be that they were attached to, or stuck into, some kind of textile which was then placed on the platter wid1 the brooches belovv it. The other two brooches lay in more ambivalent positions, nearer d1e body of the male individual buried in the grave: Obj. No. 19517 - which was closed - in the lower abdomen area and Obj. No. 19518 in the upper abdomen area. Glass by Lorraine Mepham A small tubular unguent bottle (Obj. No. 19520), almost complete, was found as a grave good accompanying inhumation burial 17044. It survives to a height of 80mm, and has a conical body with slighdy flattened base, and a cylindrical neck; the rim is missing (see Figure 7). T he colour is pale blue. The type is 'lovell known (Isings 1957, form 8; Price and Cottam 1998, 169-71), and is found in both settlement sites and burials. They are common fmds on mid 1st century AD sites in Britain, for example from Colchester, Essex, where they occur in both domestic and funerary contexts (Cool and Price 1995, 159-60), but their date range extends to the late 2nd/early 3rd century AD. More precise dating would be provided by the rim form if present, rolled rims succeeding sheared rims, but in this instance independent dating is provided by other grave goods (pottery vessels and copper alloy brooches) from the same grave, indicating a date in d1e mid/late 1st century AD. A small piece of greenish melted glass, or glass waste, came from inhumation burial 17063. This is assumed to be of Romano-Br itish date; fragments of melted glass, p resumably representing pyre goods, are occasionally found associated wid1 cremation burials of dus date. This fragment is likely to be an incidental incorporation into the grave backfill, perhaps a remnant from an earlier cremation episode. Fixtw·es and fittings The dUn copper alloy sn-ip Obj. No. 19523, found at the foot end of inhumation burial 17044 between a platter (Obj. No. 19524) and a jar (Obj. No. 19522), could perhaps be the rim reinforcement binding of an organic or wooden vessel (Figure 7). The diameter of the object indicated by the position of its fragments in the grave precludes an interpretation as a bracelet or other such personal ornament. All but one of the 73 iron nails were found in seven inlmmation burials in ditch 17000. T he number of nails by grave ranged from two to 19; d1e largest groups came from inhumation burials 17059 (16 nails), 17063 (17 nails) and 17062 (19 nails). Of the identifiable nails the most common type (37 examples) had a square shaft and a flat head (Manning 1985, fig. 32, Type 1b) . Obj. No. 19627 from in11umation burial 17059 is a typical example (Figure 8). Only two nails with a domed or pyramidal head like Manning Type 1a were found, one in inlmmation burial 17062, the other in ditch 17002. Three nails with a triangular head like Manning Type 2 all come from inhumation burial 17059. While it is likely that most, if not all, of the iron nails were structural parts of the respective coffins, a small copper alloy nail with a spherical head (Obj. No. 19597) appears to have been deliberately placed wiiliin the coffin or 'box' in inhumation burial 17062 (Figure 10). Crummy ( 1983, 115) has suggested d1at nails of this form could have been used for furniture upholstery, but dlls seems less likely for a single copper alloy nail inside a coffm or 'box' as here. The placing of a single nail or a small number of nails in graves has been considered in the context of ritual, magic or the warding-off of evil (e.g. Black 1986, 223; Dungworth 1998, 153), and this might also provide a possible explanation in this instance. Other coffin furniture was also found in two graves: two joiner's dogs (Obj. Nos 19561 and 1961 1) in inhumation burial1 7057, and one joiner's dog (Obj. No. Pottery by L orraine Mepham Pottery from High House dated as Late Iron Age to early Roman amounts to 950 sherds (12,937g) . T hese sherds have a potential date range of 1st century BC to late 1st century AD. The assemblage includes one group of n1id 1st century AD grave goods, comprising four vessels, which were associated with one glass vessel and five copper alloy brooches. Methods of analysis have been oudined above and, in addition, Roman fab rics have been defined on the basis of known type I source. Brief fabric descriptions and totals, by both sherd count and weight, are given in Table 8. Fabrics The bulk of the Late Iron Age/Romano-British assemblage comprises sherds in coarse shelly wares (SH 2), which as body sherds are visually very similar to the Late Bronze Age I Early Iron Age shelly wares (SHl ). Shell-tempered wares appear sporadically from the Early Iron Age in Essex, but are particularly common in the 34 WEST T HURROCK Date range LIA L IA LIA LIA RO RO RO RO Fabric type G R2 QU4 SH 2 GR1 GREY OXJD SAM AMPH D escription No. sh erds Coarse grog-tem pered fa bric Coarse sandy fabric Coarse shelly fabric Fine grog-tempered fabric, including wheelthrown examples C oarse greyware Coarse oxidised ware Samian Amphora 283 63 557 20 13 5 8 ｔｨｾＰ＠ Table 8 ｾ＠ Weight (g) 2883 1015 7599 357 430 106 526 21 12,937 Poner y: L ate Iron Age I early Romano-British fabric totals Late Iron Age, as they are in Kent. Scientific analysis of sherds from the Grays By-pass has shown that the shell inclusions derive from the Woolwich Beds of the south of the county (Hamilton 1988), with additional sources potentially provided by the shell banks along the T hames estuar y (Wilkinson 1988) . Shell-tempered wares were certainly produced here in the early Roman period, when kilns are known fro m Mucking and T ilbw-y (Jones and Rodwell 1973; D rury and Rodwell 1973) . Alongside these are coarse sandy and grog-tempered fabrics (QU4, GR2), and finer grog-tempered fabrics, some of which may be wheelthrown, in the 'Belgic' tradition (GRI ). Sandy fabrics, as the shelly-tempered wares, were in use throughout the Iron Age in Essex, but the grog-tempered wares of 'Belgic' tradition mark an intrusion into the indigenous ceramic production of the region, appearing no earlier than c. 50 BC in the county (Sealey 1996, 55) . 'Romanised' wares, some of which could be preconquest, occur in ver y small quantities, inclu ding a single sherd from a Dressel 1 amphora, and a few sherds of South Gaulish samian, and wheelthrown sandy greywares and oxidised wares, the latter mostly whiteslipped . securing some for m of (organic?) lid . There are also two everted rim jars, in grog-tempered a nd shelly fabrics respectively, and a rather cr udely made copy of a GalloBelgic Cam. 56 platter in a coarse sandy fa bric (Figure 7, Obj. No. 19524) . One jar base in a coarse sandy fabric has multiple post-firing perforations. As well as the single sherd from a D ressel 1 amphora, 'Romanised' vessel for ms include sarnian forms 18, 24/25 (planers) and 27 (cup), and a greyware narrovv-necked jar. Uzssel fonns Bead rimmed jars and bowls dominate the assemblage; these are found mainl y in shelly fabrics (36 examples: Figure 13, 1, 2), with one coarse grog-tem pered example. Bead rims are either internally thickened, horizontally flattened, or internally !edged or grooved; one vessel of the Iauer type has a scored graffito below the rim (Figure 13, 2). T he internally thickened bead rim emerged in the I st century BC, and continued in use until the mid 1st century AD, at which time it was superseded by the internally ledged bead rim (Going 2004, 14 1). T he Iauer fo rm, inclu ding examples with scored graffiti, was amongst the products of the Mucking kilns (Jones 1972), and was the dominant shell-tempered form at C helmsford in mid to late 1st century AD contexts (Going 1987, type G5). T he grog-tempered fabrics occur more frequently in necked jar for ms, frequently cordoned (23 examples; Figure 13, 3); there is one example in a sandy fabric. O ne grog-tempered necked jar has a series of post-firing perforations below the rim, perhaps for the purpose of 1I Distribution on site L ate Iron Age/early Romano-British pottery was found in 19 features across the site: ditches, pits, graves and one post-hole; a further nine features (all graves), assigned to r \\ 0 lc F igure 13 35 ｾＭｾ］ＭＭＭ］ｾＧ＠ 100mm .......-· Pottery: Late Iron Age I early Roman ESSEX ARCHAEOLOGY AND HISTORY this phase on stratigraphic and artefactual grounds, contained only residual early 1st millennium BC pottery. The largest feature group derives from ditch 17010 (702 sherds) and this contained, as well as a number of vessels in grog-tempered, shelly and sandy fabrics, one sherd from a Dressel 1 amphora, one sherd of South Gaulish samian (form 27 cup) and two sherds of a fme, wheeltlu·own, white-slipped, oxidised ware. Coarseware vessel forms from this ditch include 20 grog-tempered necked jars (mostly cordoned), one grog-tempered bead rim bowl, one shell-tempered neckless, everted rim jar, and a maximum of 19 shell-tempered bead rim jars, of which one rim is internally !edged, six horizontally flattened, and 12 internally thickened. Only three other features yielded more than SO sherds: ditch 17009 (= 17008, 76 sherds), gully 170 11 (56 sherds), and pit 17036 (52 sherds). All three produced a similar range offabrics (largely shelly wares) and vessel forms, although only ditch 17076 contained 'Romanised' wares, in the form of wheelthrown greywares and oxidised wares. Of a maximum of eight bead rim jars (all shell-tempered) from ditch 17009, all have internal ledges or at least vestigial grooves on top of the rim, and one has a scored graffito below the rim (Figure 13, 2) . Sherds from gully 170 11 are almost entirely shell-tempered and may derive from a single vessel, with a flattenened bead rim. Pit 17036 contained only shell-tempered wares, including two bead rim bowls, both with internally thickened rims. Also of interest is the group of grave goods from inhumation burial 17044 (Figure 7), which comprise a samian platter (form 18; Obj. No. 1952 1), a samian rouletted bowl (form 24/25; Obj. No. 19525), a handmade copy of a Gallo-Belgic p latter in a coarse, sandy fabric (form Cam 56; Obj. No. 19524), and a narrow-necked, wheelthrown greyware jar (O bj. No. 19522). The samian platter was found to contain a broken glass unguent bottle and three copper alloy brooches of mid 1st century AD date. Three other graves produced pottery (17029, 17047, 17063), but only in the form of incidental, residual sherds incorporated within the grave backfills. provided by assemblages from north Kent (Pollard 1988, 31, fig. 12) . Within Essex comparanda may be sought, for example, in the latest phases at Little Waltham (D rury 1978), in the important and well dated mid/late 1st century BC assemblage from Stansted Airport, which also produced a large group of Dressel 1 amphorae (Going 2004), and in mid to late 1st century AD groups from Chelmsford (Going 1987) . Willie the WestThurrock assemblage as a whole could be broadly dated within the period of mid 1st century BC to mid/late 1st century AD, certain characteristics suggest that some context groups at least can be dated relatively late within this range. The grave group from 17044 can most obviously be dated to the mid/late 1st century AD, on the presence of sam ian and wheelthrown greyware vessels, contemporary with the group C cremation burials at Stansted Airport (Havis and Brooks 2004, fig. 138; Wallace 2004);Wallace notes the potential significance of the appearance of sam ian vessels as grave goods at this period (ibid., 241-2). The pottery from ditch 17010 can also be seen as mid/late 1st century AD, containing, as well as grogtempered, sandy and shelly coarsewares and a Dressel 1 amphora, a samian form 27 cup and wheelthrown 'Romanised' sandy wares. The shell-tempered bead rim jars include examples with internally !edged rims, and these are also seen (including one with scored graffito) amongst the shell-tempered wares from ditch 17009 alongside wheelthrown 'Romanised' sandy wares. Of the other context groups, only three produced such chronologically distinctive material, in the for m of t\¥0 internally !edged bead rims from pit 17051, a single tiny sherd of sam ian from pit 17020, and a single sherd ofwheelthrown greyware from inhumation burial l 7063. Other features, none of which yielded more than 11 sherds, cannot be dated so closely within the overall potential date range. List of illustrated vessels (Figure 13; see Figure 7 for grave-goods) I. 2. Discussion The shelly, grog-tempered and sandy wares quite clearly fall within the well documented Late Iron Age ceramic traditions of the region, the sandy and shell-tempered wares developing from earlier Iron Age antecedents in the county, while the grog-tempered wares represent an intrusive tradition, appearing no earlier than c. 50 BC. According to Thompson (1982), south Essex lies within zone 2 of the grog-tempered 'Belgic' tradition, an area characterised by a predominance of non-grog-tempered fabrics and the common use of shell for coarseware jar forms, although Belgic pottery was invariably used for funerary vessels (nearly all cremations), as at the nearby site at Ardale School on the G rays By-pass (Thompson 1988). Parallels for the WestThurrock assemblage within the county are not numerous, and are perhaps more usefully 3. Bead rim jar, fabric SH2. PRN 12, context I 0004, ditch 17009. Bead rim jar, scored g raffito, fabric SH2. PRN 12, context 10004, ditch 17009. Cordoned jar, fabric GR2. PRN 128, context I 0 !59, ditch 170 I 0. Fired clay and ceramic building material by Lorraine Mepham T here are at least two slabs or blocks, of uncertain function. Both positively identified examples came from ditch 17010, associated with Late Iron Age/early Roman pottery (fragments of other possible examples came from ditch 17007, ditch I gully 17011 , and pits 1707 1 and 27009, all dated to the Late Iron Age). They appear to have been rectangular, although only one of the two has any measurable dimensions (60mm wide by 50mm thick, sur viving length 95mm); this example is slightly tapering (Figure 4, 3). Fabrics are similar to those used for the loomweights - poorly wedged, and generally containing sparse organic inclusions. 36 \X!ESTTHURROCK They may fall into the same class of object as the rectangular 'Belgic bricks', identified elsewhere in Essex and wid1 a possible association with ponery production. One example is illustrated fro m Slough H ouse Farm (Major 1998, fig. 113, 14). These are superficially similar to the prefabricated ceramic bars seen in Late Iron Age kilns (Swan 1984, pis. 18, 20). A group of broadly similar objects, although seemingly thinner, and frequently fl anged, described as 'slabs', is known from Stansted Airport in mid 1st century AD contexts, although more probably connected with domestic hearths d1an with ponery production (Major 2004). One Roman tile fragment was identified, from High House (residual in a medieval pit) , wid1 a finger smeared 'signature'. Two other fragments from Stone House could also be of Roman date, but are completely undiagnostic (tentative identification on fabric grounds) . healed. The n·auma occurred long before d1e dog died as d1e fracture is completely healed . However, the patches of new bone formation (inflammation) on d1e proximal part of the shaft show that the dog was probably not too healthy when it died. An unusual find, from ditch 17010, is the unfused epiphyseal plate of a probable thoracic I lumbar vertebra from the mid-torso of a medium-sized whale. It is possible that this young whale swam up d1eThames and sn·anded, as happened in 2006 when a juvenile female bonlenose whale swam up d1e river and died after a rescue anempt. The carcass would have been valuable and was most likely exploited by d1e people living in the vicinity West Thurrock. Charred plant remains byClrris J.Stevens Only two samples were taken and assessed from nonburial features, both from Early Romano-British ditch 17010. The two samples were similarly rich in remains and only one (from context 10 191 ) was fully analysed (Table 3). This sample was dominated by glumes of hulled wheats. About t\:vo-thirds of the identifiable glumes and spikelet forks were of spelt wheat ( Triticum spelta), with the remaining third being identifiable as emmer ( T dicoccum) . Grains of hulled wheats and barley (Hordeum vulgare sl.) were also well represented with the former predominating. While emmer does not dominate the assemblage it still forms a significant proportion. Spelt is certainly dominant by the Romano-British period at North Shoebury, Stifford Clays, Chigborough, Mucking and Slough House Farm, but small amounts of emmer wheat are present (Murphy 1988a; 1991; 1995; 1998). This is in contrast to more Romanised senlements to the south in Kent where only spelt is found (Stevens 2006; Smith and Davies 2006). However, it is noted that the earlier Roman phases at Springhead in the Ebbsfleet Valley in north Kent also contained a significant proportion of emmer wheat (Stevens 2006; in press) . There were also several barley rachis fragments, some of which could be identified as coming from six-row barley. Two of the barley grains could be seen to have germinated and a number of germinated coleoptiles were also recovered. The dominance of glume bases indicates that the assemblage came from fine-sieving of pounded spikelets to release the grain. Although the coleoptiles could not be identified to species, the assemblage is similar to that from Springhead in north K ent which may relate to the malting of barley and probably spelt wheat for beer (Stevens 2006; forthcoming). While seeds of larger seeded species, such as vetches/wild pea ( Vicia/Lathyrus sp.), corn gromwell (Lithospennwn arvense), fumitor y (Furnaria sp.), corncockle (Agrostenzmagithago), oats (Avena sp.), ribwort plantain (Plantago lanceolata) and brome grass (Brornus sp.) predominated, seeds of smaller seeded species were well represented. This Iauer group included many seeds of orache (Atriplex sp.), although it might be noted mat seeds of orache are released in more grain-sized persistent Illustrated objects (Figure 4) 3. Slab or block. Context 10 179, ditch 17010. Animal bone by Jessica Grimm The majority of the small assemblage of animal bone fro m Late Iron Age and early Romano-British contexts (all from High House) is in good to fair condition. In contrast to the earlier period, sheep is now dominant (see Table 2). This fits the picture of L ate Iron Age husbandry in Britain, where a fair proportion of the sheep are killed young, indicating a mixed economy based on milk, meat and wool. The proportion of carrie is still fairly high, with pigs generally only present in small numbers. On sites elsewhere, fewer sheep bones and more pig generally reflect a greater degree of Romanisation. However, the assemblage from West Thurrock, most from early Roman contexts, is rather small which limits its usefulness in this maner. A cut mark on a horse calcaneus is the only evidence for skinning, but there is no evidence from any of the periods that horse meat was eaten. The skeletons of two dogs were also found. The dog from ditch 17002 was not fully recovered, but was older than 18-24 months and, with a height of 58cm at the withers, was quite a large dog. The od1er, from ditch 17010, was male, at least 18 - 24 months old when it died, and a medium-sized dog with a height at me wimers of 52cm. This dog had suffered from a limp in the left hind leg as me femur was broken diagonally above the articular surface and had healed at an inward angle causing bowing and shortening. X-radiography of me bone revealed that the fracture resembles a greenstick fracture. Greenstick fractures occur in young individuals where me bone does not break through, but bends. The irregular bone structure on the distal articular surface might be the result of this trauma or might result from a separate inflammation. There was also some new bone formation below the trochanter majus, indicating an inflammation. T he proximal articular surface of the left tibia showed some pathological change due to the different strain put on the joint after the femur broke and 37 ESSEX ARCH AEOLOGY AND H ISTORY !-/1.· ＺＮﾷﾷｾ＠ . . . ｾＭＭ .. / .ｾ＠ . . ·:• . . . ,. . ·.'j .1 Zone 1 ' ｾ［Ｒ＠Ｎ｟＠ I. / .. ·-·--·- / Zone 4 / / .. . ·.. I / / / / / / . : ·· ..· / / ｾ / ＱＴＳ＠］ｾ / Ｔ］Ｗ＠ 210<W I / .......... ｾＺﾷ＠ﾷｚｾ 3ｮ･＠ : ··· . ..···· ＴＲｾ＠ I ················· D CJ Excavation trench ｾ＠ .... Area of watching brief : ｾ＠ D ｾ＠ ..············ Salvage excavation area ············· Marsh 267 Middle-Late Iron Age Early medieval 1 Early medieval 2 Early medieval 3 Undated 50m 0 Figure 14 Stone House: plan, early medieval (and earlier) features 38 \'\!ESTTHURROCK -( bracteoles. Other seeds included those of common nettle ( Unica dioica), fat-hen (Chenopodium album), red bartsia (Odontites vernus), clover (Trifolium sp.) and scentless mayweed (Tripleurospemwm inodonmz). As with the late prehistoric samples bulmsh/club-rush (Schoenop/ecws lacustris/tabernaemomam) was also present, along with seeds of spikerush (Eleocharis palustris), anotl1er wetland species. There is some indication of the cultivation of a fairly wide range of soil types. As seen in tl1e Bronze Age, the presence of bulrush/club-rush along witl1 spikerush (Eleocharis palustris) indicates the cultivation of field s adjacent to the marshland. The presence of vervain ( U3rbena officinalis) is of some interest as the species grows mainly on calcareous dry soils and is generally uncommon in charred samples. Although not confined to drier calcareous soils, fumitory, ribwort plantain, corn gromwell, brome grass and red bartsia are commonly also associated witl1 such soils. Given the location of the site upon a chalk ridge overlooking the Thames marshes, it would appear tl1at the inhabitants probably cultivated fields situated on drier soils close to the settlement itself, as well as tl1ose tl1at were probably marginal to tl1e marshland to tl1e soutl1. \ ' Iii 0 ＭＬｾｰ＠ . 1 . 1I -- Figure 15 -:-. ' 100mm Pottery: Saxon uncertainty over tl1e attribution of some of me elements to tl1ese phases, partly due to tl1e similarity of tl1eir ftlls, truncation resulting from machining and me fact mat most of me features falling wit11i n tl1e nortl1ern part of m e site (in me area occupied by tl1e construction compound) were not excavated. The phasing presented here is considered to represent tl1e most likely sequence, altl1ough om ers are possible. Pottery recovered from features assigned to mis period (and also as residual material in later contexts), tl1ough not large in overall terms, accounts for 58% by weight of tl1e total medieval assemblage, and has a date range of 11 tl1 to 13tl1 century, but little fmer chronological distinction has been possible (see below). Early medieval (11th- 13th century) (Figure 14) Pltase 1 (1 1m - 12m century) The earliest phase was represented by a series of often short, sometimes discontinuous gullies or shallow ditches between 3.5m and 15m long. T hree of these gullies I ditches were aligned approximately norm- soum (269, 285 and 404), wim a furmer five running east- west (27 wim 28, 47, 85, 86 and 91). T hey may all have been broadly contemporar y, but it is suggested mat it is more likely mat tl1ey represent a sequence of perhaps mree or four pairs of gullies forming a succession of funnelshaped arrangements on a broad, soutl1-east to norm-west aligned axis. T he narrower opening(s) lay to tl1e nortl1-west, and where measurable would indicate widtl1s in tl1e order of 6- 7m. T hey may have held fences and a likely association wim stock control can be suggested. Perhaps contemporary wim tl1ese were gullies I ditches 12 and 14 to tl1e norm and a similar feature, 448, to tl1e west, possibly evidence for an enclosure, but noming further can be surmised on such slender evidence. Neit11er site produced any features that could be dated to tl1e Saxon period. H owever, five pottery sherds in a hard, sandy fa bric have been identified as early I mid-Saxon, all probably part of a single vessel, a fairly crudely made, hemispherical bowl (Figure 15). The sherds derived from mree separate fills of enclosure ditch 407, a probably 13m centur y feature at Stone H ou se (see below). Neitl1er fabric nor form are particularly chronologically distinctive and have a superficial resemblance to Iron Age wares fro m me region, but have been dated as Saxon largely on t11e grounds of me hardfired nature of tl1e fabric. Otl1er Saxon sites are known in me vicinity of the site, of which tl1e best known, and from which the largest published pottery assemblage derives, is at Mu cking (Hamerow 1993). This provides parallels for botl1 fa bric and form of tl1e Stone H ouse vessel. While no firm conclusions as to date should be based on a single vessel, sandy fabrics are more common am ongst the 5tl1 and early 6th century assemblage from Mucking, organictempered fabrics predominating later (ibid., 3 1) . T he small assemblages from nearby sites at Stifford Clays and Ardale School, for example, are exclusively organictempered and have been dated on m at basis to me late 6m I 7m century (Wilkinson and L ee 1988). In addition to me single vessel discussed above, tl1e date range of tl1e early medieval pottery (see below) does not preclude a pre-Norman Conquest origin fo r th e earliest medieval activity at Stone H ouse. T hree phases of early medieval activity have been identified at Stone House, separated on tl1e basis of stratigraphic relationships where mese could be established. It should be emphasised here that there is Phase 2 (12m- 13m century) The phase 1 system of gullies was replaced by a new layout, perhaps representing two or more sub-phases. The major element comprised two, shallow curvilinear ditches which are interpreted as for ming tl1e soumern part of an enclosure witl1 a soutl1-facing entrance. The eastern ditch (comprising 173 and probably 274) was approximately 40m in lengm and ran broadly parallel to the edge of tl1e marshy ground to the soutl1. T he precise layout of me enclosure entrance had been obscured by later features, but it was approximately 8m wide and had eimer a kinked arrangemen t or was slightly funnelshaped in plan, narrowing to me sout11. Ditch 166 to me 39 ESSEX ARCHAEOLOGY AND HISTORY Plate 5 Stone House: Manor House under excavation (view from west) west of the entrance had a terminus at the west end, and ditch 274 to the east also appeared to terminate, at its eastern end. H owever, it is possible that continuations of both ditches had b een truncated by machining. On the southern side and approximately parallel to the eastern arm (274) of the enclosure was gully 276, partly cu t away by phase 3 features; this has also been assigned to phase 2, though the relationship between ditch 274 and gully 276 is unclear. Pit 293 further to the south may also have belonged to this complex of features, but the precise details of the phasing in this area are difficult to disen tangle and an alternative possibility is that pit 293 was later and belonged to phase 3. To tl1e north of enclosure ditch 274 was a scatter of features (most undated) including a lOrn long, north-south aligned shallow ditch (41 6), and several small, shallow, sometimes irregular scoops of uncertain function. However, it is not certain that all were contemporaneous or indeed belong to this phase. likelihood, therefore, that the n orth-west part of the enclosure was not visible or had been entirely truncated during machining. There was a 3m wide entrance in the south side and a narrower, staggered entrance arrangement in the north side. No contemporary structural remains were identified within the enclosure, though some of the few features assigned to p hase 2 may belong to phase 3. There were few finds, but ditch 273 produced 54 sherds of pottery, probably all from the same shelly ware jar. A possible well ( 450) lay ju st outside the northern entrance to the enclosu re, with a short length of gully ( 114) extending northwards up to the edge of it. T he interpretation as a well is equivocal for the central part appears to have been at least partly dug-out and packed with chalk prior to the construction of the medieval manor house, presumably to avoid any subsidence of the walls. A few post-holes and slots in this area have been assigned an early medieval date, and several ( eg slots 210, 334, 424, 460) were clearly sealed beneath the later wall foundations or robber trench fills at the western end of the manor house. In addition, there were the remains of a possible hearth (452) and an adjacent spread (40), possibly an 'occupation deposit', with a p it (1 43) to the north-west. Although no clear pattern could be discerned in their layout, the slots were aligned east - west and raise the possibility of an early medieval tim ber structure standing here before the medieval stone manor house was built around the end of the 13th century. Phase 3 ( 13th century) The final phase assigned to this period was represented by a further change in the layout of features. The phase 2 enclosure was replaced by a small U -shaped enclosure (represented by ditches 272, 273 and 407), aligned south-west to north-east and measuring approximately 28m by 22m, possibly open at the north-east. However, this possibility should be tem pered by the fact that the open end coincides ver y closely with the limit of controlled excavation (see above) and there is a strong 40 WESTTHURROCK Plate 6 S tone House: Manor H ouse under excavation (view from north) Saxo-Norman and early medieval landholding and land use depended on manuring by communal sheep flocks during fallow periods. Stock enclosures developed at the same time, and enclosed meadows were also allotted to tenant households. T he earliest known reference to Thurrock dates to c. 1040-1042, when Wulfstan the Wild Priest, with the consent of his lord K ing Harthacnut, granted to the Abbey of Christchurch in Canterbury the land which he had inherited called Thurrock. This charter appears to be genuine, but Christchurch did not retain its property in Thurrock, and Wulfstan's holding cannot be certainly traced in Domesday Book. It may be identified with the small manors of Bishop Octo of Bayeux at Thurrock, since he had also despoiled Christchurch of its lands at Vange (Hart 1957,22 Appendix A no II; Sawyer 1968, 452 no 1644). Landholding across the transition of the Norman Conquest was recorded by the Domesday Book survey of 1086. At the end of the reign of King Edward the Confessor in 1066 the most su bstantial manor in Thurrock was held by Earl Harold Godwineson and assessed at thirteen hides. It is to be identified with West Thurrock and comprised most of the parish. The other manors in Thurrock were small landholdings held by various freemen, including sokemen, and probably lying in Grays Thurrock and Little Thurrock. After the conquest H arold's manor was granted to Count Robert of Eu, who held it in demesne, and some of the smaller manors were taken over by followers of the Bishop of by Christopher Phillpotts The history of the sites and surrounding area has been investigated from a variety of printed primary and secondary material, manuscripts and maps. Manuscript evidence has been accessed by references culled from the printed material and from catalogues to the relevant document classes and collections in the record repositories visited. Maps, illustrations and manuscripts have been consulted at the National Archives in Kew, the British Library in Euston, and Essex Record Office in Chelmsford. The collections of London Metropolitan Archives in Clerkenwell were consulted without positive result. Full references to the source material are set out in the Bibliography. Part of the upland area ofWestThurrock parish to the north-east of the Stone House site was divided into the cultivation strips of open-field agriculture in the medieval and post-medieval periods (Figure 21). Field systems of this type were formed in E ssex in the late Saxon period, and were associated with the nucleation of settlement and the manorialisation of the agricultural economy. They consisted of large open fields divided into rectangular furlongs of individual parallel cultivation strips, worked in common by the lord and tenants, whose strips were dispersed evenly in the fields. These strips were orientated and designed to provide the best drainage. The fields were planted in sequences of crop rotation, and 41 ESSEX ARCHAEOLOGY AND HISTORY Bayeux. The steep rise in the number of bordars (low status manorial peasants) from 16 to 45 on the Count's manor is probably to be associated with the reclamation of marshland along the shores of the Thames and the Mar D yke, as this class of manorial tenant is often connected to the extension of the area of cultivation and pasture. This also might account for the rise in the annual value of the manor from £12 to £30, although this figure also includes the rent from seven houses in London which belonged to it. M ost of the reclaimed marshland was used as pasture for the demesne flock of 550 sheep recorded there, although there was also an increase in the amount of land under the ploughs of the tenants. One fisher y had become two since 1066; these probably consisted of sets of fish- traps on the Thames shore.There were also 40 acres of meadow and sufficient woodland to feed 200 pigs (Williams and Martin 2002, 977, 987, 1016, 1038, 1045; VCHEviji 59, 64). The use of the marsh es as sh eep pasture was a common feature of Domesday Essex. These sheep pastures and large flocks of demesne sheep lay in a broad belt along the coastline of the county from WestThurrock eastwards. They were important fo r the large-scale production of cheeses. There was also a concentration of fisheries along the T hames estuary shoreline (Darby 197 1, 241-2, 245-6, 257-8, 261-2). Dmuesday woodland in Essex and other counties was generally m easured by the number of pigs it had the capacity to support; it is questionable whether these numbers represented real pigs or were a notional measurement. T he round figures of some of the larger entries indicate that they are estimates. The number of demesne pigs recorded on a manor was usually less than the stated capacity of its woodland; there were sixteen at West Thurrock (Darby 1971, 232-3, 256) . However, tl1is does not take into consideration the much larger numbers of tenants' pigs, which were not counted by the Domesday surveyors, and which would also have been fed in the manorial woodlands. In the late Saxon and early Norman period there was a tendency by manorial lords to impose heavier burdens on their tenants and to reduce the status of those who were counted as free (Williamson 2004, 45). By 1086 there was little mention in Thurrock of the freemen and sokemen who were holding manors or parts of manors in 1066, except for five sokemen surviving on W illiam Peverel's manor at Grays Thurrock. T he others had presumably been downgraded or had been driven from the area. M any freemen and sokemen disappeared between 1066 and 1086 in Essex, accounting for only 7% of the population at the time of the Domesday survey. Some evidence from the county suggests that they became villeins (manorial peasants bound to pay ser vices and dues to their lord) and lower status bordars (Darby 1971, 225-6). There is no mention in Domesday Booh of a church at West Thurrock, altl1ough that does not mean tl1at the parish church did not already exist; tl1e survey only mentioned churches as sources of revenue, and they are seriously under-represented in Essex (Darby 197 1, 249- 51). In the 11 th and early 12th centuries manors often built proprietary churches close to tl1eir manor houses, and these developed into parish churches. T he limits of their emerging parishes were based on tl1e boundaries of the manors, and the church-manor complexes might be expected to form the main bases of settlement. The parish church of St Clement was built on a gravel promontory in the marshes, well to the south of tl1e road from Purfleet to Grays T hurrock and just over 2km to the east of the Stone House site (Figure 1) . This prominent location overlooking the river can be compared to the dramatic placing of the church of St N icholas at D eptford on a low gravel cliff dominating the T hames marshes furtl1er up the river. It was isolated from the later medieval settlement it served, which implies that there was a shift in the settlement pattern in the early medieval period. The church certainly existed by c. 1090, when Count Robert of Eu granted it to the College of St Mary in Hastings Castle. The rectory thereby became a prebend of Hastings and the duties of tl1e prebendary included keeping the grammar school in the castle ( VCHE vilj 70). The gift of the church of Iitrock to the College was later confirmed by Robert's grandson Count Henry of Eu, who ilied in 1140 (CAD iii 532 no D 1073). By this time tl1e church probably had a circular nave. The tenancy in chief of the manor ofWestThurrock (its direct tenure from the Crown) descended with the honour of Hastings. In tl1e course of tl1e 12th century the demesne tenancy of the manor descended to a branch of the Counts of Eu which bore the family name of Brinson, Brianzon, Briazoun or Breaunzon.The first of the family to hold tl1e manor was T homas Brinson, nephew of Count Henry of Eu. He was followed by Robert de Brianzon in tl1e reigns of Henry II and Richard I, and his son Bartholomew, who was in possession in 1198-1212. Bartholomew was a mill or in the guardianship of John de Bassingbourne, who received a grant of a weekly market here in 1207, but tlUs does not appear to have developed. Later in the 13th century the lord of the manor was another Bartholomevv Brianzon, who held one krught's fee there in 1262, and ilied in 1286 leaving as heir his infant son William. The family also held the adjacent manor of Aveley (Morant 1768, i 9 1;VCHE viii 59, 66; CChR ij 42, 44) . T he manorial rights claimed by the Brianzons in the 13th and 14th centuries included assize of bread and ale (regulating measures and prices), view of frankpledge (a court ensuring good conduct in the community), waifs and strays (right to take lost or unclaimed goods), the keeping of a gallows, the right to shipwrecks on the Thames shore, and a ferry across the river. Labour was also provided on their demesne lands by the unfree customary tenants. These rights were administered in the manorial cour ts held in their manor house. A number of sub-manors developed in the parish ofWestThurrock in the 12th and 13th centu ry, including Bayhouse, Michelsland, Purfleet, Tendrings and Torre lis Hall, which were all tenurially dependent on the main manor ( VCHE viii 6 1-4, 69) . Manorial lords appear to have created submanors by sub-infeudation to pass on the burdens of 42 WESTTHURROCK uplands and the reclaimed marshes. In 1375 there was conveyance of a farmstead called Goodgroynestenement to the south of the main road in WestThurrock with a strip of upland to its north (BL Eger ton Charter 2905) . Similarly in Barking parish to the west, farmsteads were strung along the south edge of the gravel terrace on the south side of Ripple Road. Each farm had a narrow piece of marshland pasture running to the Thames on the south side, and strips of arable land in the open fields of the upland zone on the north side (L ockwood 2006, 87). Some of these developed into estate centres. T he medieval and post-medieval village of West Thurrock grew up along the line of the road from Purfleet to Grays Thurrock (now London Road; Figure 1), which ran at the foot of the south slope of the chalk ridge and along th e north side of the marshes at about 4m aOD. Stonehouse Lane ran northwards from this road as far as Causeway Bridge, and was the main route from the parish through Aveley to London until the late 19th century. Southwards from the Purfleet to Grays T hurrock road two manorways led into the marshes, a third led to the Greenhithe ferr y at the southernmost point of the parish, and a fourth led to the parish church (Hunter 1999, 2 1; VCHE viii 57-8). As late as 1777 the sale of Stonehouse Farm included the obligation to maintain Stonehouse Manorway as an access route into the Middle L evel of the marshes (ERO D /DU 453/3 bundle 1). military tenure. They also added to their local political support and most immediately produced money fines (Williamson 2004, 46). Some of these so-called manors may never have h eld courts of their own, and were therefore not true manors in the legal sense. The parish church also expanded at this time, with added aisles, chancel and chapels, acting as a staging post for pilgrims to Canterbury, who crossed the river by the manorial ferry to Greenhithe. The funda mental feature of the history of all the manors and parishes along the banks of the Thames below London in the medieval and early modern periods was the struggle to reclaim or inn the marshes from the r iver. Earthen banks or walls were constructed along the riverside, and the land behind was drained by ditches. This was enclosed and drained in series of parcels divided by cross-walls or counter walls, which were built out from the chalk and gravel uplands and ran perpendicularly to the river, advanci ng the river front over a period of time. Along some of the counterwalls roads called manorways provided access into the marshes. The reclaimed land behind the walls was utilised for meadow and pasture, and also for sowing corn. T he unenclosed salt marshes in front of the walls were used for fishing and fowling (Phillpotts 1999, 63). It is not known at what date the lower Thames was em banked but it may have been as early as the late Saxon period. It is possible that the reclamation of Essex marshland from th e T hames did not require the construction of embankments before the 11th centur y because of a lower sea level. By the early 13th century this was rising, and embankments were certainly in place. A law of the marsh in Essex in 1210 required landowners to maintain their sections of the river walls. From 1280 onwards periodic royal commissions reviewed the state of the shoreline defences and compelled their upkeep. Nevertheless storms and tides overwhelmed the defences from time to time, as in 1251 and 1296 (Hunter 1999, 18, 76) . The excavations recovered evidence of a sequence of three phases of possible stock fu nnels and enclosures on the Stone House site, and also evidence for crop processing, dated to the 11th to 13th centuries. There is some evidence for a timber building on the site, but there is no certainty that this was the site of the manor house at this period, which might be expected to have been adjacent to the parish church and controlling the route to the Greenhithe ferry. H owever, the various remains are indicative of a settlement controlling access to the marshland pastures, and there may have been a droveway running north-south through the site linking Stonehouse Lane to the north with a manorway leading into the marshes (see below) . The Stone House stock funnels and enclosure(s), and the possible timber building, were located immediately to the south of the junction of Stonehouse Lane with the Purfleet to Grays road, on a small brickearth promontory extending into the marshes, lying above the level of flood waters. This was a typical location for m edieval farmsteads exploiting the landscape of both the chalk Medieval (late 13th -15th century) (Figure 16; Plates 5 and 6) Two principal phases have been identified, clearly separated within the structural sequence established for the medieval manor house. Phase 1 of the manor house, probably constructed between c. 129 1 and 1305 (see below), includes all of the surviving remains other than the rooms added to the west end. These rooms, built before 1339, have been collectively assigned to phase 2, and appear to have continued in use later, following demolition and robbing of the earlier (and larger) part of the manor house. Other phases may not have been recognised, particularly becau se of the very limited investigation undertaken on the north-east part of the building. It should be noted here that the quantities of finds associated with b oth the medieval and post-medieval phases of the manor house are very low, hampering dating and restricting conclusions that can be made about its changing economic and social status. This paucity is likely to be a reflection of the small number of pits recorded (no garderobes or cess pits were identified), the lack of midden deposits and the general cleanliness of the extensively robbed building where few floor levels and associated deposits survived. Apart from very moderate assemblages of pottery and ceramic building material, and a small quantity of animal bone, there were few metal finds, virtually no glass, two elephan t ivory knife handles (both post-medieval) and only a single coin (a silver farthing of Edward I minted AD 1302- 13 10). In terms of surviving remains and the paucity of finds, 43 ESSEX ARCHAEOLOGY AND HISTORY · ·· . . 1·-. / I I ﾷｾ＠ · if!'-, \ -:·. . I Zone 1 ﾷｾ --·--·--·--·--·-- Ｎ＠ / / / J . . .___ . ｾ＠ . ' 7 t / ____ / / / / / / / / / / / I Well • 263 ....·····•········ ············· Manor House ...········· ｾＭＭＭＭＭＭＭＭＭＭＭＭＭＭ Marsh 267 ＭﾭＭＭ .: ｾ＠ I D CJ :· ,, Robber trench/ Excavation trench Salvage excavation area Area of watching brief foundattons Courtyard - Medieval1 - Medieval2 Undated 0 50m Figure 16 Stone House: plan, medieval manor house and associated features 44 WESTTHURROCK Stone H ouse is similar to L ow H alJ, Waltham stow, o f which little other than the foo tings survived and where d1ere was a notable lack of m edieval finds (Blair 2002) . As in the preceding, earlier m edieval sequence, d1e structural remains and associated features were largely confined to a sm all 'tongue' of slightly higher ground which projected southwards into the marshes. It is possible that the constru ction of the m anor ho use blocked a pre-existing trackway which continued sou th from what later becam e Sto neho use Lane, forcing its d iversion to the east, along the Purfleet to Grays Thurrock road (now L ondon R oad), to form a dog-leg around ilie m anor hou se. The m anor ho use m ay thus have occupied an important positio n, on an east-west land ro u te along the n orth side of d1e Thames, with a road (now Stonehouse L ane) leading to d1e north and a trackway (manonuay) providing access to the land reclaimed from the m arshes to the souili (see below) . rubble that for med m e core of the walls. T he footings were su bstantially deeper where d1ey had been built across me top of an earlier well ( 450) benead1 the soud1 wall, and what appears to have been a small buttress had been built in to the north side wall her e, perhaps to restrict any m ovemen t or subsidence; p ossibly d1ere was an entrance from me courtyard at mis point. Only the western half of the hall could be in vestigated in detail, but this showed it to be approxin1ately 12m long by 9m wid e internally, wim m e high end p erhaps to the west. There were no su rviving floor levels, hearths or other such internal features and it is likely that these had been robbed-ou t, possibly as early as the 16th century when it was leased out to farmer s. H owever, fragments of plain and decorated floo r tiles from various contexts, m ost notably pit 329 to the west (b elow the phase 2 extensio n), indicate the p resence of at least one high qu ality floor within the manor house, possibly in me hall or the chapel. There is likely to have been a cen tral hear m, but no trace of this survived, u nless undated scoop 115 represents me robbed remains of such a feature. Several post-holes lay within the area of the hall and m ay have been contemporary with it, but no pattern was d iscernible. H owever, it seems clear that the hall was not aisled. The location of en trances and d oor ways m ust rem ain entirely conjectural, but it is reasonable to assume external access to d1e hall from the north and sou m, and in ternal access to the solar at d1e west end and perhaps to the kitchen I service room (s) at d1e east end. The presence of the kitchen in this location is suggested on the basis of the documentary evidence, specifically the document of 1339 (see below), and the excavation d id reveal one or more room s at ground floor level to me east of m e hall. T hese perhaps formed part of an original solar block, d1e function changing with the construction of a new block at ilie west end in phase 2. U nfortu nately the layou t and arrangem ents here are far from clear, though the room s appear to have occupied an area measuring at least 9m by 6m. T o the sou th of the east end of the house was a com plex of p ossibly dtree or more sm aller rooms, though their layout and phasing r em ain particularly conjectural as no detailed investigation of this area was possible. T his m ight seem a mor e likely location for a (?d etached) kitchen, rather than to th e east of the hall as the documentary evidence appear s to suggest, bu t it seem s m ore p robable that they rep resent a separate suite of service rooms or ancilJary structures (including possibly a bakehouse), which d ocumentary sources indicate lay to the south of the kitchen (see below). W hem er m ere wer e ever an y rooms or structures wiiliin the north-east angle between me hall I kitchen and this possibly detached suite of rooms I ancillary structures to me sou th is u nknown. No wall footings or robber trenches were recorded here, and the presence of pit 29 of p robable late medieval date m ight suggest that this area d id remain open. T he ephemeral remains of two less substantial walls in the external angle between the halJ I kitchen and the possible service range enclosed a courtyar d m easuring Phase 1 The precise layout of the no rth-eastern p art of the m edieval m anor house is unknown. T he overall plan iliat has been established o n the basis of the survey d etails incorpor ates a certain am ount of r econst ruction of elem ents that appear to be ' missing'. This is likely to be largely explained by parts of iliem having been extensively robbed and the robber I foundation trenches not being readily visible and, therefore, not surveyed. Because of d1e uncertainty about the layout and extent of this part of the building, som e aspects of the plan presented here are always likely to rem ain conjectural. The reconstructed ground plan of me manor house indicates an orig inally rectangular or perhaps L-shaped build ing, aligned east-west, m easu ring a m aximum of ap p r oximately 24m long and 11. 5m wide (externally) . G iven m e ground plan and location, it is perhaps m ost likely that the house faced northwards, away from m e marshes and river, w ith the hall in the centre and m e (later) solar block at the west end, an arrangem ent confir m ed in a documen t of 1339 (see below) . W hether m er e was an original solar block at the east end is not known, but it is possible that som e of m e wall foundations and robber trenches recorded in that area do represent such a structure. The d ocument of 1339 also m entions a chapel, gardens to the south, and a kitchen and sm all b uildings to d1e east and south-east of the hall respectively.The location of the chapel is u nknown; it m ay have been within the m anor house or detached, perhaps to the north or norm -west in a part of the site subject to m inimal investigation The walls where not robbed -out were approximately 1. 2m wide and generally survived to a maximum height of mree courses, essentially repr esenting the footings and part of the core ramer m an the walls memselves. The west wall of the hall was much better preser ved because it was retained d uring a post-medieval stage of rebuild ing when most of the remainder was demolished and robbed. T he footings were set in shalJow fou ndation trenches and comp rised flint and chalk rubble bonded with a sandy mortar, with some evidence for Greensand ashlars on the 45 ESSEX ARCHAEOLOGY AND HISTORY rooms, and a solar and chambers above at first floor level. T ogether tl1is addition was 11.5m wide, the same width as the house, and extended its lengtl1 by a fu rther 1Om . All of the walls belonging to this p hase of construction survived to a far better degree than those in tl1e main, phase 1 part of the h ouse, and had not been so extensively robbed. T he reason for this, it is suggested below, is that this later element of tl1e manor house was retained after the remainder had been demolished in probably tl1e late 17tl1 or early 18th century. The external walls were con so·ucted in ver y similar fashion to tl1e earlier, phase 1 vvalls, witl1 buttresses at the north-east corner (at the junction with the corner of th e phase 1 building) , at the south-west corner, and probably also at the north-west corner, though little evidence of the latter survived. A projection midway along tl1e north wall represented a stack which appears to have been an original feature; there is likely to have been a fireplace on the first floor heating tl1e solar, and anotl1er on the grou nd floor. T he 1:\¥0 internal walls on tl1e ground floor were slightly narrower, and like the external walls had been built across the top of the earlier pits of phase 1; here the foundation n·enches had been dug deeper in order to create more substantial wall footings . The northernmost of the two internal walls may have been subsequently modified or rebuilt, but when was not clear from the surviving remains. T he three additional grou nd floor rooms were all aligned east-west, with the lar gest room to the north measuring c. 9.5m by 2.8m, the central room 4.5m by 2. 1m and tl1e southern room 4.3m by 3.3m. As noted above, only the northern room contained evidence for having been heated, witl1 the remains of a recessed fireplace centrally placed witl1in the n orth wall, a slab of greensand forming the base of the heartl1 . T here may have been a doorway to the exterior at the west end of the north wall, and possibly others bel:\¥een the northern and central rooms and bel:\;veen the ceno·al room and the hall, but the surviving evidence was insu fficient to be certain. No evidence of any contemporary floor levels or access to the upper floor solar and chambers was identified, and no trace of any internal decoration survived. Outside, at least one new ditch was dug in the vicinity of the phase 2 extension to the manor house. To the north lay a curvilinear ditch (142) running approximately eastwest and some 17m in length. This ran from the junction of the phase 1 and 2 elements of the house, terminated to the west, and was probably a drain . A longer ditch (163; Figure 18) to d1e south is also likely to have been a drain, but was perhaps not dug until the post-medieval period (see below). To tl1e south-west of the manor house was a well ( 192), 1.80m deep, the m ortared flint lining set within a larger, su b-oval construction pit c. 4.5m across. T he stone lining did not extend to the bottom of the shaft, which was cut into the underlying chalk, and it is probable that the lower part had a timber lining or framework that supported the upper, stone lining. The approximately 14m square, with a probable entrance at th e south-west corner, though this area had suffered some disturbance. Dating the construction of these walls is problematic and no surfaces sur vived within the courtyard, but a small pit (430) did contain medieval potter y. A short distance to the south of the courtyard was a well (263), probably one of those mentioned in documentary sources (see below). T his was sub-square in plan and there was evidence for a square, timber-lin ed shaft, although no timber or other waterlogged remains survived as a result of a lowered water table. A relatively substantial north-south aligned ditch (179), approximately 1.5m wide and 1m deep with aUshaped profile, ran fo r 30m from the south wall of the manor house before terminating. A further ditch (53), of similar dimensions and profile, continued to the north of the manor house for at least 15m, the northern extent obscured by a spread of post-medieval demolition debris. The north terminus of ditch 179 underlay the southern edge of the foundations for the south wall of the manor house, and the southern terminus of ditch 53 lay immediately to the north of the projected line of the north wall. The deposits filling the ditches were of medieval date and it is likely that these two features were drai nage ditches associated with the manor house. Ditch 124 was shallower than the others but may also have been a dra inage ditch, of late medieval or possibly postmedieval date. A short length of gully (260) to the east may have been a part of a fence line along the edge of the marsh, perhaps enclosing an outer yard or garden to the north. Immediately to the west of the manor house were several pits ( 147, 328, 329, 330 and 49 1) - some intercutting, and a further pit (518) lay to the south. The pits adjacent to the manor house formed a clu ster and all were cut by the foundation trenches for the walls of the phase 2 extension in this area. The pits were mostly oval in plan, less than 1m deep, and the 1:\¥0 largest examples (328 and 329), which lay adjacent to each other and intercut, each measured c. 6.6m by 4.6m; the smallest was only 1.5m in diameter. The purpose of th ese pits is unclear, but it might be noted that in addition to some pottery and animal bone they (particularly 329) also contained fragments of plain and decorated floor tiles, assigned a late 13th century date (see below), probably representing paviour's waste left over from the laying of a floor in the manor house. Pottery recovered from pit 328, which produced most finds overall, amounted to 130 sherds and included Mill Green slip-decorated jugs. Phase 2 This phase was marked by the add ition of a further, Lshaped suite of rooms at tl1e west end of the phase 1 manor house. While it is possible that the three rooms were constructed at different times, it is more likely that they represent a single building campaign, probably dating to before 1339 accord ing to documentary evidence, which saw the addition of a solar block. They comprised a cellar- perhaps a ground floor space or sub-basement, apparently divided into three 46 WESTTHURROCK Otfter roof tiles Three oilier types of roof tile were recorded - hip tiles, pantiles and oilier curved tiles which may be ridge tiles. O ne complete hip tile vvas recovered, and me bottom edge of a second example. There are two pantiles, a form inu-oduced in me later 1 7d1 century. Seven od1er curved fragments include five glazed examples, one wiili a cenu-ally placed nail hole on one end, which probably derive from ridge tiles, while two unglazed fragme nts could represent either hip or ridge tiles. T here are no examples of more elaborate roof furniture such as louvers or finials. bottom of the well was dry and contained no preserved timber or organic remains and few finds. T he upper fill contained rather more finds, including two elephant ivory knife handles of probable 16th century date, which confirmed that the well probably remained in use into d1e early post-medieval period. However, a late medieval origin is quite likely, probably succeeding well 263 to me east, me evidence provided by 48 sherds of medieval pottery from me consu-uction cut for me well. A shallow ditch (169) to the south -west may have been an associated feature. High House At High House, iliree relatively large pits (1 7020, 17023 and 17038) have been assigned to m e later medieval period, all lying to me norm of High House Farm and providing archaeological evidence for me probable existence of a farm stead here at iliis time (Figure 19). Pit 17020 was sub-rectangular, 4.5m long by 2.6m wide and 0.65m deep, pit 17023 was c. 3m square and lm deep, and pit 17038 sub-rectangular measuring 2.5m by 1m and 1.1 m deep. All iliree produced small quantities of 13m I 14m centur y pottery but no other finds, and whether any had a specific function is unclear. Two further, intercutting p its of broadly me same size, but perhaps slightly later in date, were fo und to me souili during excavations in 2008. In addition, a shallow normsoud1 aligned ditch, 17003, 15m to me west of pits 17020 and 17038, may have been a medieval or later feature and appears to continue me line of an existing field boundary to tl1e souili. It cut two Roman ditches and contained one Roman and two medieval pottery sherds. Bricl?s All standard bricks recovered are handmade, unfrogged types. Only iliree are complete (235 x 120 x 55mm; 230 x 11 0 x 60mm and 220 x 105 x 50mm); oilier widilis range from 100-130mm and d1icknesses from 5560mm. Fabrics vary, distinctive types including a pale-firing (cream/buff) fabric, dense but soft-fired; and a fairly hard fired but friable fabric, dark red/brown and wid1 an 'open' texture and prominent inclusions/ impurities. Two bricks have vitrified surfaces; d1ese may have been deliberately selected to form decorative patterns in brickwork. Only one complete example came from an in situ context, from a later internal wall (503) wimin me west extension to d1e manor house. Bricks are notoriously difficult to date (and are frequendy reused) bu t iliis group appears to fall wiiliin an early postmedieval date range (16m/ 17m century?) on me grounds of size, fabric and manufacture. As well as me standard bricks, mere are mree 'specials' (all fro m one context), two wiili ovolo mouldings, perhaps from a wi ndow mullion, and the iliird wiili chamfered long edge and drip, perhaps from a string course. All of iliese came from me backfill of well 192. As for me standard bricks, iliese are not particularly closely datable, but a similar early post-medieval date range ( 16m/ 17m century) seems likely. Ceramic building material by Lorraine Mepham with Paul Drury The total assemblage from West Thurrock comprises 1294 fragments (149,808g), 94 fragments (8 175g) from High House and 1200 fragments (14 1,633g) from Stone House. The majority of me assemblage comprises fragments of flat roof (peg) tiles and bricks, wiili oilier types less frequendy represented . All of me High H ouse material was redeposited in later features and most of me larger assemblage from Stone House came from robbing or demolition contexts associated wiili me manor house and its successor. Differentiating between late medieval and early post-medieval C BM is difficult and, for iliis reason, me entire assemblage is considered togemer here. Floor tiles, by Paul Dnny Botl1 plain and decorated floor tiles were recovered, in small quantities. As well as plain tile fragments, d1ere is a small group of tiles, all from Stone House, including decorated tiles and plain, glazed tiles. T hese tiles belong to a group oilierwise only known from St Clement's church, West Thurrock, and defined as 'Late Wessex' (LW) types. T he decorated tiles are of two designs (LW 1, LW2), and the plain tiles comprise scored segmented quarters (LW 15), u·iangular eighilis (LW 16) (Figure 17, 1, 2) and one rectangular border (LW 14). T he triangular segments are white-slipped wiili a yellow glaze; oiliers are green glazed. The plain tiles of types LW 15 and LW16 occur only at Stone House, while LW14 and me decorated tiles occur also at St Clement's. The tiles belong to the ' Wessex School', which originated at Clarendon Palace in Wiltshire c. 1250, and later focused on W iltshire and Hampshire, aliliough me use of slip decoration rather man inlay places d1em in a London/souili-east/East Anglian tradition. The Thurrock Peg tiles Peg tiles make up me bulk of d1e C BM assemblage. No complete tiles were recovered, but me few surviving widms range from 145mm to 160mm . A small proportion of tiles (52 pieces) are glazed; iliis glaze is generally confined to me lower part of me upper surface (me visible part once me roof was laid), almough a few tiles wim glaze spots on me underside were obser ved. Fabric types do not show a great deal of variation in eid1er colour or coarseness; most are relatively fme wiili few prominent inclusions, almough some pieces are from tiles which are obviously less carefully formed and softer fired. 47 ESSEX ARCHAEOLOGY AND HIST ORY 0 post-medjeval periods from the 11th to the 17th century, with small quantities of Saxon (see above) and later postmedieval material. In general the condition of the pottery is fair to good; overall mean sherd weight is 11.2g for the medieval assemblage, and 14.6g for the harder fired postmedieval wares. The pottery was recorded using the standard Wessex Archaeology pottery recording system (Morris 1994), focusing on analysis of fabric and form. Fabric types have been correlated with tl1e regional fabric type series for post-Roman pottery in Essex (Cunningham 1985). A type series was created for rim, base and handle forms, and this was linked where possible to vessel form s whose definition follows nationally recommended nomenclature (MPRG 1998), but also using the Essex type series fo r rim forms (Cunningham 1985; Drury 1993) . Details of decoration, surface treatment, and manufacture were also recorded. Quantification in all cases is by both number and weight of sherds. All data are held in the project archive (Excel spreadsheet) . Omitting modern wares from the analysis, sixteen fabric types were identified: one Saxon, nine medieval and six post-medieval. Apart from the Saxon sandy ware, all are well known types within tl1e Essex type series. Quantities by type are presented in Table 9, and tl1e post-medieval pottery is discussed in tl1e appropriate section below. -- I 50mm M edievalfabric types Fabric 12: Shelly and sandy/shelly wares (50.3 % of total by weight) The earliest fabrics represented are the early medieval shelly and sandy/shelly wares ( 12A, 12B and 12C), which make up just over half of the total medieval assemblage by weight. The three wares are obviously related, and vary only in tl1e relative proportions of crushed oyster shell and sand inclusions. All tl1ree wares are conventionally dated as ?early 11th century to tl1e later 12tl1 century (Drury 1993, 78- 80) . T here is, however, some suggestion tl1at they continued in use into tl1e early 13th century, occurrin g on such sites as King John's Hunting L odge at Writtle, near C helmsford (Rahtz 1969, 106), but in general tl1ese wares were in decline by tl1e later 12tl1 century. Vessel forms appear to be confined to jars, of which tl1e most common rim form is tl1e simple, slightly developed, everted type (Drury 1993, type B2: 15 examples) . T wo of these are finger-impressed. There are only two examples of tl1e squared rim above necked proftle, characteristic oftl1e 13tl1 century (ibid., type Hl), which tends to confirm the date range suggested above. Apart from tl1e ｦｩｮｧ･ｲＭｩｭｰｲ･ｳＺｾ､＠ rims, the only evidence for deconnion ｩｾ＠ in the form of applied1 thumbed strips, seen on Mo vessels, 2 Figure 17 Stone House: medieval floor tiles design s derive directly from those of the Wessex School of c. 1260- 80, and may have been products of a small and probably short-lived tiler y to the east of L ondon. The tiles provide important evidence in suppor t of the likely date of construction of the manor house at around the end of the 13th century, with the likelihood that at least some with little or no mor tar adhering represent waste left over fro m the laying of a floor, perhaps within the hall or chapel. The tiles came from a variety of contexts, but none was found in situ, perhaps the most significant group being from pit 329 beneath the phase 2 western extension to the manor house. Pottery by L orraine Mepham The post-Roman assemblage recovered from ｗ･ｬｾ＠ Thurrock amou nts to 930 sherd!i (1 1,682g), of which thtl overwhelming majority (868 aherd!i;l0,8 17g) ｾﾣ｜ｭ･＠ from contexts at Stone Bouse1 ltle remaining 62 shercts deriving from High Hou se. The assemblage has a potential date range spanning the m edieval and early Fabric 13; Early rn(Jdieval £Clndy ware (1, 1% CJj total) Given the predominance of the early medieval shelly and sancly/slwUy wares, the relative scarcity of early medieval sandy ware amongst the assemblage is surprising. This has a very similar date range, of ?early 11th century to c. 1200 48 WEST T HURROCK Fabric No. sherds Weight (g) 5 186 Q400 Saxon sandy ware 12A 12B 12C 13 20 21 23A 35 36 Early medieval shelly ware Early medieval shelly/sandy ware Early medieval sandy/shelly ware Early medieval ware Medieval coarse ware Medieval sandy orange ware Surrey whitewares M ill Green fineware London-type wares sub-total medieval 174 96 23 6 32 109 5 41 112 598 1945 1310 118 75 418 1176 49 189 1432 6712 40 42 45C 45D/E 46 48B Coarse redwares Border ware Raeren stoneware Cologne/Frechen stoneware Tinglazed earthenware Creamware Modern stonewares Modern refined whitewares sub-total post-medieval Overall total 234 4 6 4 339 1 37 143 42 8 8 505 650 4784 11,682 7 70 327 930 Table 9. Pottery: Saxon, medieval and post-medieval fa bric totals (Drury 1993, 80), although more recent excavations at Stansted yielded early medieval ware in association with early to mid 13th century fine wares (Walker 2004).This would fit with the evidence of the only diagnostic vessel form here- a necked, squared rim jar (type H1). a date range of 13th century or later. There is one jar rin1. Fabric 35: Mill Green fine ware (2.8% of total) Mill Green fine ware is dated in London to the late 13th to mid 14th centuries (Pearce et al. 1982), but is present by the mid 13th century at some sites in Essex, e.g. North Shoebury. Its distribution covers south Essex. The examples seen at West Thurrock are generally whiteslipped, and often glazed with an even, slightly mottled green glaze; two sherds bear slipped decoration. Most if not all sherds are likely to derive from jug forms, although none are of known overall proftle. Fabric 20: Medieval com·seware (6.2% of total) T his ware encompasses all grey sandy coarse wares not assigned to specific types, and as such could represent the products of several different sources. Greywares were produced, for example, at several centres within Essex as well as across neighbouring Hertfordshire. Some defmite examples of Hedingham coarseware are included here, but have not been separately quantified. The ware has a broad date range of 12th to 14th century. There are three diagnostic forms here, two necked, squared rim jars of 13th century type, and a jug neck with curvilinear combed decoration. Fabric 36: London-type ware (2 1.3% of total) Finewares were also supplied by the London industry (Pearce et al. 1 985) . The relatively high proportion of London-type ware here, however, is biased by a group of 62 sherds from one context (pit 328) which probably represent just two jugs, both white-slipped and glazed, one with applied decoration, probably from a design in the North French or highly decorated style of the 13th or early 14th century. Other sherds probably also come from decorated jugs with applied or slipped decoration, although no profiles were reconstructable. Included in this category are two sherds of London-type coarseware (LCOAR), one from a jug rim. Fabric 21: Sandy orange waTe (17.5% of total) Sandy orange ware, described by Cunningham ( 1982, 359), comprises all oxidised sandy wares not otherwise assigned to specific types. It has a broad date range of 13th to 16th century, and can be difficult to distinguish from the later redwares (fabric 40, see below). As well as jars, all examples of which have developed, squared rims of 13th century or later type, vessel forms include jugs and one flanged dish of later medieval type. Ceramic sequence The ceramic sequence potentially ranges from the 11th century, through the medieval period and at least until the end of the 17th century, with sporadic activity Fabric 23A: Surrey whitewares (0. 7% of total) The five sherds of Surrey whiteware identified include examples of Kingston and Ch eam types, which have 49 ESSEX ARCHAEOLOGY AND HISTORY forming and a slight bend forwards, and X-radjography of the bones revealed a mid-shaft fracture. Extra bone nodules around the proximal articular surface of the metatarsus III indicates the change of stress on this bone due to the forward bending. The foot of a dog found in early medieval pit 293 belonged to a large dog with a height at tl1e witl1ers of 0.55m. Several partial cat skeletons, mainly adults, two from well 192, might represent pets from the manor house. All domestic fowl bones came from medieval and post-medieval contexts, and as 28% of the bones belonged to juvenile birds, it is clear tl1at fowl were kept on site. Although it is impossible on t11e basis of morphological characteristics to tell greylag goose from domestic goose, and mallard from domestic duck, the size of the bones make it likely that they belong to domestic goose and mallard respectively. The nearby river marshes would have been an ideal place to go wildfowling and capture ducks such as mallard and teal. The caudal ver tebra of a probable very large tub gurnard indicates that thjs marine species was eaten, but virtually no other fish bones were recovered. thereafter. Phasing of features on the site has relied partly on ceramic evidence, and partly on stratigraphic relationships - phasing on ceramic grounds alone is hampered by the small quantities of pottery involved, since only three features produced more than 25 sherds. Pottery from early medieval phases 1-3 (pre-manor house activity) is on the whole limited to shelly wares (fabric 12) of 11th I 12t11 century date. Early medieval phase 3, however, did produce a few sherds of sandy fabrics 20 and 21 (pit 2 10, ditch 272), of which t11e latter ought to be no earlier in date than 13tl1 century. Features attributed to medieval phase 1, tl1e first phase of t11e manor house, produced an assemblage including a significant proportion of fine glazed wares, predominantly London-type wares but also including Mill Green wares. Although the earliest date for these wares is 13th century, tl1ere is nothing here to conu·adict t11e suggestion, based on the documentary sources, that the manor house was built between 1291 and c. 1305. The largest feature group came from pit 328 (140 sherds), which also produced a small group of postmedieval sherds, considered to be intrusive as tl1e pit was well stratified below the phase 2 extension to the manor house. Only three features containing pottery belong to medieval phase 2, and of these well 192 yielded a chronologically mixed assemblage (including postmedieval wares), largely from the upper fills of tl1e shaft. Only minimal quantities were otherwise recovered, which do not in any way aid the close dating of tl1is phase, suggested by documentary evidence to date to after 1339. Marine shell by Sarah F Wyles The marine shell assemblage consists of 520 shells, representing a minimum number of 341 individuals (MNI), and was retrieved from 73 medieval and postmedieval deposits at Stone House. The predominant species is oyster (Ostrea edulis), with the remaining 10% (by MNI) of the assemblage comprising, in descending frequency, whelks (Buccimmtwtdatwu), mussels (J\!Iytilus edulis), cockles (Cerostoderma edule), carpet shells ( Veneridae), saddle oysters (Ano111ia ephippium) and periwinkles (Liuorina sp.). These other species were all mainly recovered from medieval and post-medieval contexts, and this was also tl1e case for the oysters, with 87% of the shells coming from deposits assigned to these two periods. T here were no apparent differences between the disposal of the 249 right oyster valves and the 233 left valves, and so no indications of areas of preparation or consumption can be detected for any period of the site. In general the oyster shells represent an addition to the basic diet rather than a significant part of it. The oyster shell from two deposits was analysed in more detail, from shallow pit 430 of medieval date and from pit 178 of late post-medieval date. Within pit 430, shells of small size were ge nerally absent, possibly indicating some form of selection before they were brought to site, and most of the shell had a maximum width of between 50mm and 95mm. Approximately 10% of the shells had traces of a small amount of infestation by the polychaetic worm Pol:ydora ciliata and 30% of the shells were flaky or worn. The oyster shells from pit 178 were a little smaller than tl10se from 430, witl1 tl1e majority of t11e shell having a maximum width of between 40mm and 85mm. Traces of mild infestation on 32% of them was again caused by Animal bone by Jessica Grimm Virtually all of the animal bone from medieval I early post-medjeval contexts was in good to fair condition, and represents well over half (>60%) of the total assemblage from all periods (Table 2), with most coming from Stone House. In general, the medieval - post medieval assemblage has slightly higher species richness, perhaps reflecting better preservation conditions and I or the higher status of the site. However, tl1ere is no clear evidence for tl1e latter, though this might be attributed to the relatively small size of the animal bone assemblage and the likelihood that waste material was disposed of away from the site, rather than in nearby pits and middens. Sheep/goat remains dominate, probably more so than in earlier periods, followed by cattle. The cattle and sheep/goat were slaughtered at an older age than in the earlier periods, reflecting a rise in sheep keeping for wool production, with milk and meat being of secondary importance. Cattle became more important as draught animals and for supplying milk and, as a result, the meat would have been older, tougher and tl1erefore of lower quality. Cattle heights at the withers of 1.11 and I. 12m respectively, calculated from two metacarpi, indicate small medieval animals. Pit 128 contained the un-butchered skeleton of a 6-7 month old pig. Its left metatarsi III and IV show callus 50 WESTTHURROCK Polydora ciliata and also by the sea mat Polyzoa. Over half of the shells were misshapen and/or had other oysters attached, possibly an indication of competition for space in a less well managed oyster bed. The proportion of unmeasurable to measurable shells is an indication of the degree of p ost-depositional damage and wear. In this case a relatively high degree is indicated, with just over half of the shells from the selected deposits unmeasurable and a number worn and flaky. The oyster shells examined in more detail were mainly healthy with only low levels of infestation cau sed by Polydora ciliata and Polyzoa. The polychaetic worm, Polydom ciliata, is widespread and is most prevalent on hard, sandy or clay grounds (particularly in warm shallow water). The sea mat Polyzoa may be found on all types of hard substrate and generally favours shallow water. The oyster shells themselves were slightly elongated, indicative of softer subsu·ates, and it is likely that they came from a nearby estuarine or east coast source. There were few changes bel:\veen the examined shells over time. However, the assemblage is small, and there is an indication that the oyster beds, although still being managed, were relatively more cramped during the postmedieval period. Furthermore, a less rigorous selection procedure may be reflected in the fact that slightly smaller shells were exploited during this period. several samples from the early medieval period onwards. Grains dominated all the samples, and weed seeds were scarce in all but tl10se from tl1e lower fill of th e medieval well (263). In all the samples the same largeseeded weed species as seen in the Roman sample from High H ouse dominated the assemblages. More unusual elements included numerous seeds of corn gromwell (Lithospermwn arvense) in well 263. Seeds of elder (Sambucus nigra) and fragments of hazelnut (Corylus ave/lana) were present in several of the samples, and generally commoner in the later samples. Discussion The samples indicate the cultivation of free-threshing wheat, rye and hulled barley, along with pea and bean, for some 700-800 years from tl1e 11th to tl1e 18tl1/19th century. From tl1e range of weed species it vvould appear that tl1ese crops were grown on a wide range of soils, including drier chalk soils, clay soils, wetter soils close to tl1e marsh, as well as drier, acidic soils, the latter on the evidence of a single seed of corn-spurrey (Spe1gula arvensis) . Given the status of the site during much of the medieval period it is possible tl1at some of these crops were brought from further afield. H owever, as tl1is range of species is also seen in tl1e samples from the period after Stone House ceased to be tl1e m anor house tl1ere is n o reason to suspect tl1at tl1e full suite of soils in tl1e area was not utilised throughout the entire period of occupation. T he composition of the sam ples is curious in that they are dominated by grain and large weed seeds, suggesting tl1at tl1ey derived from waste generated during the final stages of processing (Hillman 1984, fig. 4, stages 13-14). Yet it is noticeable tl1at all the samples still contain more rachis fragments tl1an might be expected if just the fmal stages of crop-processing were represented. In the harvested ear the number of grains to each rachis fragment varies for each of the free-threshing cereals. For free-threshing wheat the ratio of grain to rachis fragments is beween 2:1 to 6:1 , for rye it is 2: 1 to 3:1 and for barley it is 3: 1 (van der Veen 1992, 82). Rachis fragments rarely survive charring compared to grain (Boardman and Jones 1990), and the majority of rachises are u sually removed in the earlier processing stages (Hillman 1984, fig. 2, stages 3- 6) . For many of tl1e samples for rye and free-threshing wheat the ratio of grain to rachises was higher than expected in tl1e ear and this suggests the burning of waste rather than the burning of sheaves, although this was not the case for barley. Rachises not removed during threshing are usually subsequently removed along with small weed seeds by fine-sieving (Hillman 1984, fig. 2, stage 7), yet tl1e general absence of smaller weed seeds in tl1e samples precludes removal of tl1e rachises during tl1is stage. One explanation is that tl1e assem blages derive from the harvesting of wheat and r ye ears. These may have been fme-sieved removing any smaller weed seeds prior to being stored as ears. However, given the obvious mi xing of different crops grown on different soils it is possible that the larger weed seeds arr ived witl1 crops stored as relatively clean grain, while tl1e rachises come Charred plant remains by Chris]. Stevens Fifty-eight bulk samples were taken and processed from early medieval, medieval and p ost-medieval deposits at Stone House, and 12 of tl1ese subsequently chosen for analysis (Table 10). Two came from early medieval features, four from medieval deposits and four from early post-medieval deposits. The final 1:\vo came from postmedieval features of 18tl1 to 19tl1 century date, long after the manor house b ecame a tenanted farm, and are discussed further below. The main cereal represented was free-threshing wheat (Triticum aestivum turgidwn). Along witl1 grains, chaff was recovered from several deposits, and three rachises of tetraploid wheat (Triticum twgidum) were identified from the late medieval/early post-medieval well (192) . Both grain and chaff of rye (Secale cereale) were well represented across all periods, while grains of barley were less common. Emmer glumes were present in an early medieval feature (pit 307965 I 273), although generally hulled wheats are seen to be replaced by free-threshing wheats and rye in the Saxon period, while the cultivation of sixrow hulled barley continued throughout. E mmer wheat radiocarbon-dated to tl1e Saxon period is known fro m several sites in the Thames Valley (Pelling and Robinson 2000), although such remains are usually interpreted as having been reworked from earlier deposits (Greig 199 1). Other crops included both garden pea (Piswn sativum) and broad bean ( Vicia faba), represented in 51 Period Feature type Feature no. S a mple size Early medieval Medieval ditch 273 10 layer 452 5 well 263 20 5 8 - - - - - - - - 5 1 - - - 25 9 - 19 Med+ Post-medieval pit 430 8 F-T 479 20 well 192 20 pit 128 20 layer 495 10 2 19 cf.l cf.1 1 - - - 18 Post-medieval C1 8- 19 pit pit slot 178 190 99 10 20 20 Cereals V1 N H ordeum vulgare si (hulled grain) H ordeum vulgare sl (grain) Hordeum sp. (tail/wild) H. vulgare sl (rachis fragm ent) Triticum sp. (grains) Triticum dicoccum (glume base) T dicoccwn (spikelet fo rk) T dicoccwn/spelta (spikelet fork) T dicoccum/spelta (glume bases) T cf. aestivum turgidum (grain) T cf. aestivurn ungidwn (r achis fragm ent) T aestivwn (hexaplo id rachis) T durwn/twgidum (tetraploid rachis) Secale cereale (grains) Secale cereale (rachis ) Cereal indet. (grains) Cereal frag. indet. (est. whole grains) Cereal indet. (basal rachis fragmen t) Cereal indet. (culm node) Cereal indet. (basal culm node) barley barley barley barley wheat emmer wheat emmer w heat emmer/spelt wheat emmer/spelt wheat free-threshing wheat free-threshing wheat bread wheat (type) durum/rivet wheat rye rye rachis cereal cereal cer eal base of ear cereal straw node cer eal rootlets 2 2 14 10 - - - - 21 10 - 1 5 1 - 98 47 - - 123 14 - 12 9 40 30 33 27 123 95 - - 2 7 - - 10 3 14 15 6 - 2 - - - - 7 6 43 19 1 8 11 8 - 3 10 4 - - - 20 50 - 3 3 8 5 - - - - 1 - cf.4 16 6 - cf.1 3 4 3 1 - pea broad bean - 2 1 - 3+cf.3 - cf.2 1 - - - buttercu p - - - - - - - cf.l - - - - - - 60 100 - est.8 - - - 1 1 2 1900 1est.3432 - 3 - 28 - est.20 est.2584 est.80 2 12 1 1 44 cst.604 est.800 est.320 est.32 est.1 64 est.16 est. 59 29 est.114 est.84 est.88 2 33 3 3 2 9 - Other crop species Pisum sativum Viciafaba Species Ranunculus type - 1 )> :;o (") ::r: 5:; 0 l' 0 C) ｾ＠ -< tl ::r: - - m m >< (/) (/) r:/l ...., 0 ｾ＠ Vl w Papaver dubiwn (capsule tops) Urtica urens Corylus ave/lana (fragments) Chenopodium album Atriplex sp. Silene sp. Agrostemrna githago Spergula arvensis Polygonum aviculare Fallopia convolvulus Rumex sp. M alva sp. type large Brassica sp. Prunus spinosa Ulex/ Genis ta Vicia /Lathyrus sp. Lithospennurn arvense Odontities vernus Galiwn aparine R ubia peregrina Sambucus niger Centaurea sp. Cenaturea cyannus (seedhead) Th pleurospermum inodorum Chrysantheum segetum Anthemis cowla Carex sp. Schoenoplectus sp. Poaceae (indet.) Poaceae (culm node+basal culm) Avena sp. (grain) B mmus sp. Lolium cf. perenne Indet. seed poppy seedhead small nettle hazel fat-hen oraches campion corn cockle corn spurrey knot grass black bindweed docks mallow wild mustard? sloe gorse/broom vetch/pea corn gromwell red bartsia cleavers wild madder elder knapweed seedhead scentless mayweed corn marigold stinking mayweed sedge flat bulrush/grey club rush grass seed grass culm node oat grain brome perennial r ye-grass - - - - - 1 1 1 - 1 cf. 1 - - - - - - - - 1 1 2 1 - - - - 6 - 2 - 1 - - - - - - 1 cf. 1f 1 2 - - - - 1 - 1 - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - est.23 9 - - 8 1 1 - 25 est.8 6 - - est.20 1 2 - - - est.16 - - - cf.l - est.40 - est.4 - - - 8 2 - 1 - - - 1 - - - - - - - - - - - - 3 1min 2 5 1m 5 32 1 1 - - 1 - - - - - - - - - - - 2 1 - - - - - 1 - - - - - 1 - 1 - - - - - - - - - - - - est.20 5 2 7 - est.130 - est.8 22 4 ｾ＠ - - (/) 1 est.4 est.28 est. 5 - :r; est.8 - tTl >--3 >--3 ｾ＠ :;o 0 - est.4 () - /": - - 1 - - est.4 est.92 est.1 2 est.l6 est. 17 est.8 est.82 - - - - - - - - - 5 2 3 4 17 1 4 1 7 - est. 16 3 est. 107 - - - - - - - - 2 - Table 10 Charred plant remains: medieval and post-medieval est.5 est.2 est.33 ESSEX ARCHAEOLOGY AND HISTORY previous arrangement made by Joanna's grandfather in 1314, whilst Aveley was separated fro m it (Morant 1768, i 91; VCHEviii 59-60; CIPM viii 17 1-3; NA C135/60/7 and 8; C 143/97/ 19; C I43/240/10). William Wauton was followed at WestThurrock by his son William in 1346, and his grandson W illiam, who sold the manor to E dward fitzSymonds in 1390. W ithin a few years it had been purchased by Richard II's uncle Thomas of Wood stock, duke of G loucester, who was building a power base in Essex cenu·ed on his castle at Pleshey. T he manor was in tl1e hands of his feofees by M arch 1394, when tl1ey used its income to guarantee a grant by tl1e duke of two m anors in K ent and a manor in Hertfordshire to the College at Pleshey (NA DL25/753) . T hey passed the manor onto the duke in October 1395 (ERO D /DAc 247; D /D U 264/1; NA C 143/426/35). After the murder of Gloucester at Calais in 1397, the manor passed to his widow Eleanor until 1399, and then to his daughter and heiress Anne. She married successively Edmund earl of Stafford (died 1403) and W illiam Bourchier count of Eu (died 1420) (M orant 1768, i 9 1; VCHEviii 60). In about 1428 Anne sold the manor ofWestThurrock to H enry VI's uncle John duke of Bedfo rd . On his death in 1435 he left it for life to his widow Jacquette of Luxembourg, who remarried to Richard Wydeville, Earl Rivers. The manor was due to revert to the Crown on Jacquette's death, but in 1448 H enry VI granted the reversion to Rivers and his descendants in the male line. Earl Rivers and Jacquette had to petition C hancer y to recover rents received from tl1e manor by the Duke of Bedford's panel of feofees, which was headed by Sir John Fastolf (NA C 1/31/365). Jacquette d ied in 1472, and tl1e manor was seized by the Crown; in 1478 her son Anthony Earl Rivers was making a claim to the manor in the court of Exchequer. By tl1is time the manor was alternatively known as West H all (ERO D /DAc 248). Anthony died in possession in 1483 and was followed by his son Richard Earl Rivers, who died without direct male heirs in 149l.The manor was in the hands of H enry VII from at least 149 1 to 1505. It was acquired from the C rown in 15 11 by the descendant of Anthony and Richard 's sister Elizabeth (Edward IV's queen and Henr y VII's mother-in-law) by her firs t marriage, her grandson Thomas marquis of D orset (Morant 1768, i 9 1-2; VCHE viii 60; BL H arley Roll N 12; N A SC6/HENVII/ 157 and 158). From the early 1390s, therefore, the manor of West T hur rock was held by prom inent aristocrats as one component of large landholdings. T hey would not have been resident here and visited seldom, if at all . Their interest was in revenue derived fro m tl1e manor, collected by tl1eir local officers. The bailiff of the manor in 149 11505 was John Frensshe, who was appointed to tl1e office by H enry VII in 149 1 under the same terms as he had held it under Jacquette, Countess Rivers (BL H arley Roll N 12; NA S C6/HEN VII/1 57 and 158). H e had tl1erefore been in post since at least 1472. H e is the most likely occupant of tl1e manor house at the Stone H ouse site in this period . from the processing of crops stored in the ear. Fitzherbert (c. 1523) in his Bolw of H usbandrie implies different practices around the counu·y for har vesting rye and wheat including the separate cutting of the ears, and the cutting of the crop low to the ground then the cutting off of the ears rather than threshing in order to utilise the su·aw. Perhaps significantly, he makes no mention of such harvesting practices for oats or barley. It is possible that these practices are responsible fo r tl1e nature of tl1e assemblages seen at Stone House. Such practices appear to have continued for tl1e entire span of medieval and later occupation at the site, from tl1e period prior to the construction of the manor house c. 1300 until after its demise in the 17th century and its later use as a farm . The medieval manor h ouse, its occupiers and its setting by C hristopher Phillpotts The programme of documentary research has not been exhaustive, but sufficient work has been done to trace the ownership and main development phases of the two manor houses at Stone H ouse and High H ou se. T here are a large number of deeds in Essex Record Office relating to the manor of West T hurrock and the two hou ses in the post-medieval centuries, includ ing two maps of 1646 and 1777. H owever, the medieval documentation of tl1e manor is rather more sparse. An inquisition post mortem gives some indication of the layout of tl1e buildings at Stone Hou se, but there are no manorial accounts extant which record episodes of construction and repair. Nor are there any records of the manorial courts which were undoubtedly held in the two houses. T he construction of the High H ouse complex did not begin un til the 1550s. The two manor houses form a coherent group with Low H ouse further to the east, a site subject to an earlier desk-based assessment (WA 2003b). At the end of the 13th century the demesne tenancy of the manor ofWestThurrock was held by the Brianzon family. T he heir in 1286 was William Brianzon, a minor who was placed in the wardship of his feudal superior. In 129 1 his wardship was acquired by Walter Langton, tl1e rector of West T hurrock who later became Treasurer of England and Bishop of Lichfield. L angton was closely associated with the Brianzon family in both Aveley and WestThurrock. William came of age in c. 1305, but died in 13 10 and was followed as lord of the manor by his brotl1er John. John died in 13 15 and was succeeded by his son Sir John Brianzon. They held the manor as one knight's fee from the H onour of Richmond. Sir John died in Ap ril 1339 leaving a widow Marger y, who was pregnant. She gave birth to an heir called Joanna, but the child died in August 1339. Two-thirds of the manor belonged to Joanna, and the remaining third had been assigned to Margery in dower, including a th ird share of the profits of the ferry to Greenhithe. A custom called Londonfares was attached to the manor, perhaps a toll for passage along the Thames. The reversion of West Thurrock then passed to Sir W illiam Wauto n under a 54 \X/EST T H URROCK manor house. Chapels were generally placed close to the hall and solar, normally on the first floor, but d1e door at the west end makes it d ifficult to see how d1is could have been accommodated within d1e plan, as far as is known, at Stone House. The chapel may, therefore, have been detached, built at ground level and standing to d1e north of d1e hall and solar block, perhaps on d1e site of the postm edieval Stone House and its demolition spreads, or further to d1e north beyond the edge of excavation. No archaeological evidence for a detached chapel was found, d1ough little investigation was possible in tl1is area, and it might be significant that later documents make no reference to a detached chapel. Its location is not easily resolved. Also assigned to Margery were the part of the m anor garden to the south of the path that ran through it, the area of the gard en on the south side of the bakehouse (which vvas to remain to the king as guardian of Joanna), and the dovecote and the remainder of the garden around it. The second of these may refer to the area to the south of the hall range delimited by the edge of the marshes to the south and the excavated ditch (179) to the west, the others perhaps to areas immediately north and east of the manor house. She also received a croft of enclosed land called Havekynes Croft on the west side of tl1e manor house, and a third share of tl1e bercary (sheep-house) which lay on the east side.T his must have been beyond the excavated area (NA C 135/60/7 and 8). The medieval phase 1 of tl1e manor house therefore most probably dates to c. 129 1-1 305, and the extensions of phase 2 were in place before 1339. The period in which the three William Wautons held the manor fro m 1339 to 1390 coincided with widespread agricultural decline, the Black Death and later visitations of the plague. These were times of difficulty for small-scale landowners like the Wautons, because of falling rental incomes and the general shortage of labour, and it is less likely that further investment was made in the manorial buildings at this period. It is also m ost unlikely that further major works were done at the manor house after it came into the hands of absentee landlords in the 1390s; only routine maintenance work can be expected from tl1e 15th century. The layout of the manorial buildings can be compared to the excavated moated manor house site at Low H all in Walthamstow, built by the Bedyk family in tl1e early 14th century. H ere also a rather smaller hall was flanked by a solar and a ser vice wing projecting to the rear, but tl1e kitchen was a detached su·ucture with an external oven. Further room s and a cellar were later added to the solar end, and a gatehouse was built at the end of the bridge across the moat, probably in the 1350s by the new owner, the London merchant Simon Fraunceys (Blair 2002, 192-3, 195, 198-200). Fraunceys also acquired another moated manor house which has been excavated, at Northolt in Middlesex. Here a manor house of the late 13th century had a hall range, a chamber block and a detached kitchen with an external oven, all based on stone and flint fou ndation walls with timber superstructures. In the mid 14th century Simon Fraunceys rebuilt the hall in stone with two-storey solar The excavations at the Stone H ouse site recovered part of the plan of the stone-built medieval manor house, including the hall with rooms at the east end and in what is interpreted as a southern service wing; later rooms added at the west end with a chimney stack on the north side; and a courtyard, a well and enclosures to the south on the edge of the marshes. The initial phase of the stone hall is probably to be associated with an assemblage of glazed and decorated floor-tiles, dated to the last quarter of the 13th century and with close parallels to a group in WestThurrock church. The pottery assemblage included a significant proportion of fine glazed wares, the earliest date for which is 13d1 centur y. It is likely that the tiled floor was laid at the time Walter Langton held the wardship ofWilliam Brianzon as lord of d1e manor between 129 1 and c. 1305, when he was also rector of the parish church, and he may d1erefore also have been the builder of d1e first phase of d1e stone hall. The chosen site was at the junction of d1e main road dividing the marshes from the uplands and d1e route to Aveley, also in the Brianzons' lordship and Langton's wardship. The inquisitions post mortem of Sir John Brianzon and his daughter Joanna in May and August 1339 state that the manor house was "worth nod1ing beyond reprises", indicating that it was occupied by the family and not leased out. Joanna's inquisition also states that there was a ruined dovecote, worth nod1ing. The assignment of dower to Margery Brianzon in May 1339 gives some indication of the layout of buildings in the manorial complex. She was assigned the use of the solar wid1 chambers, and the cellar under it, at the west end of th e hall. These must be the structures of d1e second phase, the chimney stack providing the heating for the first-floor solar, wid1 d1e two chambers adjoining. The cellar beneath need not have been a sub-surface room, but may have been a ground-floor space or sub-basement accessed from above. Margery was also to have the kitchen near the hall and two other small buildings nearby on the south side of the kitchen, with access to well water d1ere.This appears to indicate the room(s) at me east end of the hall range and the (?detached) service rooms I ancillar y structures in the 'southern wing', with access d1rough the cour tyard to the well to its south. She was also to have an area enclosed with a tiled wall on the north side of the solar (not present in the archaeological record), a grange called Lilleberne and part of an oxhouse on the soud1 side of it as divided by a partition, with a small stable for two cart-horses, with certain marked-out areas adjacent to the chamber, the grange, her part of the ox-house and the stable, wim access to the well water there. This description suggests that these agricultural buildings lay to the west of the manor house, beyond the area of controlled excavation, and were perhaps served by the western of the two excavated wells (well 192). Margery was also to have free entry and exit through the great door of th e manor and access to the chapel through the door at its west end. The position of d1e great door and chapel are not stated, but it may be surmised that the former lay on the north side of the 55 ESSEX ARCHAEOLOGY AND HISTORY at Purfleet until the early 14th century, when John le Vynter was holding land there, but it was inactive by 1324 (VCHEviii 64-5; CIPMviii 171). By the late 15th centur y all the demesne lands ofWestThurrock manor were leased out (NA SC6/HENVII/157) . blocks rising over cellars at each end, and the kitchen was extended into a long range which probably included a bakehouse and a brewhouse. The main buildings were linked by pentices and continuous ranges of outbuildings around the courtyards (Hurst 1961; L ancaster 1975; Phillpotts et al. 2002). The establishment of the WestThurrock manor house complex on the Stone House site entailed the diversion of the putative drove road into the marshes around its eastern and south-eastern sides to link to its former course (Figure 21) . Throughout the 14th and 15th centuries the embankments of the marshes required increasing levels of maintenance to defend them against the rising sea levels in the lower Thames, and low-lying land became too wet for arable cultivation (Hunter 1999, 18; Phil!potts 1999, 64). The responsibility for maintenance lay with the landowners of the various sections of river wall; it was overseen in the parish by wall-reeves and occasionally by royal commissioners ( VCHE viii 68). An agreement for the upkeep of the river walls at West Thurrock was made as early as 1322 (Grieve 1959, 20). The embankments were breached with increasing frequency and areas of farmland were lost to the waters. In 1339 the pastures of the manor of Aveley called les Fennis or Fannis could not be measured because they were under the floodwaters; the manor of West Thurrock included 41 acres of salt marsh in front of the embankments (CIPM viii 172; NA C135/60/7) . In 1462 a dispute between John Torrell and Philip Lowes about repairs to the Temmys Walles at West Thurrock led to the written record of the accustomed procedure, by which landowners were to provide workmen and earth to repair the walls whenever needed, without contradiction. One copy of the agreement remained with the churchwardens of the parish, and another with the wall-reeves (ERO D /DP/01 5/1). In c. 1475 a list was drawn up of about forty landowners responsible for specified lengths of river wall in the parish. The document mentions fish-traps on the Thames shore and a sluice-gate of Earl Rivers called Westhallthrough (ERO D/P 015/2) . In 1491-5 the manor bailiff]ohn Frensshe spent £23 11sh Ｔｾ､Ｌ＠ and in 1503/4 £ 13 3sh 1ｾ､Ｌ＠ on repairs to defective parts of the Thames walls; the meadow called Fannes was still drowned by the river at this time (BL Harley R oll N12; NA SC6/HENVII/157). The method of constructing the river walls is not known with any certainty, but they are likely to have consisted of simple earthen banks, perhaps founded on hurdles. By the 14th centur y embankments up to a height of 2.75m aOD were required. By the 16th century timber groynes probably formed the foundation, and the earth may have been mixed with reeds taken from the marshes in front of the wall (Phillpotts 1999, 63). Between the 13th and the 16th centuries arable and pasture land were equally as valuable in the parish of WestThurrock. There were arable strips belonging to the main manor and the sub- manors mingled in the open fields. Strips or doles of common meadow may have lain in the marshes at Purfleet. Sheep were pastured in the marshes and on the chalk uplands. T here was a vineyard Post-medieval and modern (1500 onwards) (Figure 18) The 1646 estate map (Figure 21) shows the buildings at Stone House in elevation at a small scale in a somewhat schematic fashion, but the medieval manor house is still clearly extant, and several elements can be reconciled with the archaeological evidence. The hall lies centrally with a range to the north-west which is likely to be the solar block. Perhaps the latter is shown as a distinct structure as it was by now leased out separately. An apparent change in the roofline at the east end of the hall may reflect the location of the kitchen and service room(s), while the southern extension to this can be equated with the ?detached service rooms I ancillary structures in this area. A smaller southern extension at the west end of the hall has not been accounted for in the archaeological record. Further to the west lies a substantial barn, but no other structures are depicted. A document of 1561 (see below) mentions a dovecote (one is shown at High House) and a sheephouse, the latter to the west of the barn, but perhaps these had gone by 1646. The archaeological sequence for the post-medieval period Stone House is less clear than in the preceding period, though documentary evidence suggests that the manor house remained in use (as part of a farm complex) until p erhaps the late 17th or early 18th century, and following this all but the solar block was demolished. This might account for the relative paucity of structural remains, other than those of the manor house itself, prior to the construction of a new house (Stone House) approximately 20m to the north in 1683. Indeed, many of the post-medieval and undated features might be assigned to the late 17th century or later, and given that these have survived it is considered unlikely that any significant post-medieval evidence has been lost, at least within the southern part of the site . Probably all of the features recorded in the watching brief to the east and the west of the central part of the site are likely to be of post-medieval or modern date and are briefly described below. Within the manor house solar block there is some indication of modifications in the post-medieval period. In the northern room were traces of a brick partition running north - south and dividing the space into two equal-sized and smaller rooms. Associated with this partition were remnants of a beaten chalk floor. Several bricks were built into the fireplace and suggest that this was modified at the same time and subsequently served to heat only the westernmost of the two newly created rooms in what may have been a cottage created out of the former solar block. Around the west end were several deposits (e.g. 494) of building debris derived from the demolition of this cottage which probably survived until around the middle of the 19th century, perhaps 150 years 56 WESTTHURROCK ·-: }:_····· s 835 0 50 100m t=..-==--="'- - Zone 1 ·-.Ji} .r---·- 1 .. .... .. ... .... .... I / / / / / / / /· / / : --·-- Zone 4 / 204 Zone 3 0 Spread 136 0 0 0 84 s 804 8 = 125 / Spread 61 60 ) / 41 0 0 / 0 ｾ＠ 494i / / 163-. ._175 D Cl Salvage excavation area · ---- · Area of watching brief D D Post-medieval/Modern - Excavation trench .........······ .... Marsh 267 Remaining medieval house 0 Undated Figure 18 Stone House: plan, post-medieval features 57 SOm ESSEX ARCHAEOLOGY AND HISTORY after the remainder of the manor house had been demolished. Of relevance here is a lease of 1574 which refers specifically to the western par t of the ma nor house (see below), implying that this part of the house- the solar block - was by this time regarded as a separate entity fro m d1e remainder. It may also be noted here that a document of 156 1 refers to a building called the 'Westhall Kytchyn' in addition to the manor house (see below), implying a separate structure, perhaps the ?detached suite of ser vice rooms I ancillar y su·uctu res (including possibly a bakehouse) to me south of the east end of the manor house. Aligned with the west end of the earliest part of d1e manor house, and running north- south, was ditch 175, a relatively shallow feature which extended just over 45m to the south as far as the edge of the marsh. This cu t across the top of the southern end of medieval ditch 179, interpreted as a drain, and is likely to represent a late medieval or more probably early post-medieval boundar y feature. A gap of 6.5m between the south-west corner of the manor house and me northern terminus of ditch 175 would have provided access to what, initially at least, may have been an enclosed area to the rear of the house, perhaps an ou ter service yard . A fu rther ditch, 163, at least 50m in length and up to 2.5m wide, ran southwards from the soud1-west corner of the northern of d1e d1ree rooms in d1e western extension to the manor house and probably served as a drain.This has been assigned a postmedieval date but may have originated in the late medieval period . F urmer to d1e west, the watching brief on the relatively large area at me west end of me site revealed, in section, two parallel brick footings approximately 1Om apart and aligned norm-south (structure 835) which it is suggested belonged to the large barn shown on the 1646 Estate map (see above). W iiliin me normern part of me site lay me fragmentar y remains of me later Stone House (structure 804), built in 1683 and demolished sometime afte r 1920 (demolition debris 9, 60 and 136). These remains were surveyed mough not furd1er investigated, and comprised parts of at least du·ee brick walls (8 and 11, wid1 84 furd1er to d1e west). In addition to d1ese walls were approximately half a dozen circular or square pits, at least two of which were brick-lined wells and one a brick-lined probable cess pit. Across me remainder of the site were at least two concentrations of post-holes of varying sizes, probably representing fence lines though conceivably more substantial structu res. At least one east-west alignment could be identified wimin the soumern group (structure 8 10), whereas the northern group (str ucture 807) appeared to form a right-angled arrangement. Between these two groups were several shallow gullies aligned east-west, with a north/south line of possibly associated post-holes at d1e east end, providing evidence for a str ucture c. 6m wide and at least 12m long (strucn1re 8 13). A plan of Stone House Farm in 1777 (Figure 23) appears to show d1at all bu t the solar of the medieval manor house had been demolished by this date, wim a barn (possibly structure 813) now occupying the site just to the south of the former hall and the solar block, retained as a cottage, standing on its own a short distance to d1e west. The new Stone House building of 1683 lies to me north, and probable ancillary buildings to me north-east and south-west, no evidence of which vvas identified in the excavation. The large barn at the west end of the plot had also disappeared by this date. The 1838 time map (Figure 24) shows a ver y similar arrangement except th at the ancillar y building to the norm-east no longer ap pears. The watching brief to d1c east of the main area excavation (Zones 1 - 4) exposed a number of pits, ditches and spread s, most if not all of post-medieval or modern date, and map s of d1e area from the mid-1 7m century onwards demonstrate a high degree of correlation with the archaeological rem ains. T he 1646 Estate Map (Figure 21) also clearly indicates feature 220 as a major property boundary extending from the road between Thurrock and P urfleet (L ondon Road) towards me T hames foreshore; d1e map o f 1777 (Figure 23) shows mis ditch as the boundar y between prop erty assigned to i\!Ir Homcastle to d1e west and i\lfr Winters to d1e east, with rear boundaries to mese plots which can be correlated wid1 ditches 218 and 204 respectively. The 1838 Tithe M ap (Figure 24) again dem onstrates d1e principal proper ty boundaries oudined above, togemer with a building indicated at me approximate location of rubble spread 252. There were few post-medieval features at High H ouse (Figure 19). At me east end of Area 2 was a large oval pit (27008), most probably a small chalk quarry d ug for agricultural purposes, and in me south-west corner of mis area was a group of three ditches defining the northern part of a small enclosure (270 11 ) which extended outside me limit of excavation. T here was a gap between me ditches at me nord1-east corner, and within me enclosure were several p its containing post-medieval and modern potter y and several animal burials. It is clear from cartographic evidence that d1is enclosure belonged to an extant cottage to me soud1 which forms part of the High House Farm complex, and is of relatively recent date. Metalwork by Jorn Schuster All of me objects d escribed below are fro m Stone Hou se; only me buckles are illustrated. Personal items T hree pins were fo und in well 192: Obj . No. 124 is a plain 16mm-long shaft. Obj. No. 29 with wire-wound spherical head can be classed as Margeson T ype 1. These pins were in widespread use from d1e 15th to me late 17m century (M argeson 1993, fig. 5, esp. 32 and 34). Almough slighdy corroded, Obj. No. 25 probably belongs to this type too, while Obj. No. 56, found in wall fo undation 34, has a cast double-conical head wim a central moulding reminiscent of a wound wire. 58 WEST THURROCK 1 Area 1 t Area 3 '' Area 2 27005 High House - ｆ｡ｲｭｾ＠Ｍ Medieval Post-medieval/Modern cr-------- - - Undated / / / / Ｍ ----Ｍｾ［Ｌ､ｯｮ＠ -- --- r<Oad -- / Figure 19 Dovecote ｾ＠ - ｾ＠｜ｾ＠ ---- --- 0 I - - 50 100m H igh House: Plan, medieval and later featu res An unstratified cast copper alloy hooked tag (Obj. No. 9) has an exact parallel fro m a context dated c. 1530 1550 at Rosary Moat, London (Egan 2005, fig. 25, 155). Of the five buckles, only the small buckle Obj. No. 144 (Figure 20, 1) was retrieved from a secure context: medieval well 263 . A simiJar buckle was found at Swan L ane, London in a context dated c. 1270 to c. 1350 (Egan and Pritchard 1991, 68, fig. 42, 274) . Sma!J double-oval buckles like Obj. No. 12 (Figure 20, 2) are frequent finds on late medieval and early post-medieval sites. Parallels are known from T rig Lane, London (Egan and P ritchard 1991, fig. 50, 337 and 339), Canterbury (Blockley et al. 1995, fig. 455, 620) and Nonvich (Margeson 1993, fig. 16, 163- 5) . Obj. No. 146 (Figure 20, 3) is of a well known 16th - early 17th century type. S imilar buckles with double-looped frames have been fo und at Canterbur y (Blockley et al. 1995, fig. 455, 616), Norwich (Margeson 1993, fig. 17, 174) and on the Mary Rose (Klein 2005, fig. 2. 83, 82A5069). No comparison is known for belt buckle Obj. No. 4 (Figure 20, 4) which is probably of late medieval or early post-medieval date. T he shoe buckle Obj. No. 14 (Figure 20, 5) is of an - often tinned - late Jacobean fo rm with separate bar and framelike plate with a single internal spike (e.g.W hitehead 1996, 103, no. 662). T his example has a maker's mark which reads illESSON, but it was not possible to link it to a known buckle maker. These buckles, which were quite common both in England and on the continent (Opgravingen in Amsterdam 1977, Afb. 229-230), couJd easily be swapped from one shoe to the next (Goub itz 1987,fig. 33;Goubitz 1993,531-32, fig.11 ). Text£le work£ng A machine-made copper alloy thimble (Obj. No. 30) with two bands of square indentations, a heart-shaped stamp below the shouJder and a bare crown was found in the upper fill of welJ 192. T he indentations and bare crown suggest a date in the first half of the 17th centur y (H olmes nd, 3). An unmarked lead cloth seal (Obj . No. 11) and a sewing pin (Obj. No. 23) were fo und unstratified. A u· iangular iron blade (Obj. No. 128), with a fragmented, rectanguJar-sectioned arm continuing along the line of the back, was fo und in medieval layer 328. It is likely to be part of a pair of shears. Shears with blades of similar shape are known fro m 12th - 13th cen tury contexts from London (e.g. Egan and Pritchard 199 1, fig. 70, 311, 315-7), although with more rectangular arm sections. A blade of a pair of shears fro m Norwich, dated to the first half of the 17th century p rovides a better parallel, both for th e shape of the blade and the arm (Margeson 1993, fig. 99, 901) . 59 ESSEX ARCHAEOLOGY AND HISTORY Structuml and other fillings Illustrated objects (Figure 20) Two iron keys were retrieved from post-medieval ditch/pit 129. Obj. No. 112 is a very simple L-shaped slide key and Obj. N o. 113 is a rotary key with an oval bow and subcircular-sectioned shank. Comparable keys have been found elsewhere in both late medieval (e.g. Egan 1998, fig. 9 1, 327-9) and post-medieval contexts (e.g. Margeson 1993, fig.l19, 1294-6). Other objects, almost all from post-medieval conteA1:S, include an iron hinge pivot (Obj. No. 13 1), part of an iron chain (Obj. No. 76) and 83 nails. There are several unstratified lead strips, of which Obj. Nos 19 and 135 are certainly lengths of window came with H-shaped sections where the lateral flanges are relatively wide and malleable. Faint striations along their length suggest they were milled using a vice as described by Egan ( 1998, 5 1), and therefore of likely mid- 16th century or later date. I. 2. 3. 4. 5. Other A small number of other objects included complete or fragments of at least four horse shoes and one ox shoe, and what may be a rake prong, all from medieval and post-medieval contexts. Two unstratified lead objects are likely to have been used for some kind of measurement activity. Obj. No. 10 is a 33mm-long cone with a hole through the centre and weighs 112 g. It could have been used either as a plumb bob or a steel yard weight. Obj. No. 36 is a roughly circular disc with an uneven surface but no obvious marks on either side, weighing 4 7g. Such discs have been in use at least since Roman times (e.g. Crummy 1983, fig. 105, 2512), but continued in use in the Saxon and medieval periods (e.g. Egan 1998, fig. 234, 100 1; fig. 235, 1010). . Small, oval buckle frame, bar offset and narrowed. Oval cross-section. Pin m issing. Copper alloy, Obj. No. 144, context 307989, well 263. Buckle. Double-looped oval frame, D-shaped cross-section. Iron corrosion anached to central bar (remains of pin). Copper alloy, Obj. No. 12, unstratified. Buckle. Double-looped oval frame. 0-shaped cross-section. Central bar, cast with frame, extends beyond sides, petal/rose-like motifs on both edges. Copper alloy, Obj. No. 146, context 307969. Buckle. D-shaped single loop frame with sym metrical decorative transverse mouldings, narrow bar, pin missing. Part of folded sheet plate survives with single rivet still intact. All slightly bent. Copper alloy, Obj. No. 4, unstratified. Buckle. Rectangular-shaped angled frame with rounded corners, outside and inside edges are slightly swollen, D-shaped cross-section. Triangular-shaped, rectangularsectioned pin. Secondary frame is almost D-shaped with triangular spike faci ng inwards; on the base of tl1e second frame is a makers stamp: mESSON, in a rectangular fi eld, its lower base following t11e curve of the frame. Copper alloy, Obj. No. 14, unstratified. Pottery by L orraine Mepham The post-medieval assemblage, almost all fro m Stone H ouse, is dominated by coarse earthenwares, mainly redwares (including a few slipwares), with a few sherds of Border Wares from the Surrey/Hampshire industry (Table 9) . Redwares in Essex (fabric 40), representing the products of several sources, mark a development from the later medieval sandy orange wares (fabric 21 ), and the distinction between the two is not always clearcut, as already mention ed. Redware forms here are strictly utilitarian - jars, bowls, dishes and jugs. The date range potentially extends at least to the 18th century. ｟ｮｯＮﾷｾﾷ＠ ..._),- · y 1 0 50mm Figure 20 Copper alloy and iron objects 60 WESTTHURROCK Other early post-medieval wares include imported Raeren and Cologne/Frechen stonewares, and one sherd of tinglazed earthenware, but later post-medieval wares (post c. 1700) are notable by their absence - just a single sherd of creamware, and a handful of modern stonewares and industrial wares. This is likely to be partly a result of tl1e pits around the 1683 Stone House, in the northern part of the site, not being excavated. The postmedieval wares from High House comprise coarse redwares, modern stonewares and industrial wares, all of which could fit within a date range of 18th to 20th century. Quantities of pottery recovered from post-medieval features are low; about one-third of the post-medieval assemblage derived from the upper fills of well 192. Coarse redwares are most common, and cannot in general be more closely dated, although the presence can be noted of a black-glazed jar of 17th or early 18th century date in pit 61. Other datable wares (German stonewares and tinglazed earthenwares) are very scarce, occurring only in pits 61, 128 and 129, and post-hole 77. Some modern sherds are also present, confirming a continuation of activity at Stone House into the 19th century, as is also the case at High H ouse. rocky scrubland often close to the coast. A furtl1er interesting find were seeds of probable gorse or broom (Ulex/Genista), though a single seed was also recovered from a medieval sample. Bolli species are still found today on local patches of well-drained soils, and probably came to the site witl1 scrub collected for fuel from such areas. Discussion The two samples from the 18th/ 19tl1 century occupation of the site, while similar in many respects to the earlier samples, are different in that they are much richer and contain culm nodes, basal culm nodes (the root fragment) and straw waste suggesting iliat crops were harvested close to the ground by scyilie iliat may bring with it the basal rachis. In addition they are ver y high in rachis fragments compared to grain. The assemblages are highly suggestive of waste from the coarse sieving stage conducted just after threshing (Hillman 1984, fig. 2, stage 6), in that there are few smaller weed seeds that pass witl1 threshed grain through the sieve. It is possible such waste was kept for winter-fodder and became burnt, either by accident, or after stored fodder was cleaned. The eclipse of Stone House and the development of High House by Christoper Phillpotts (Figures 21-24) Charred plant remains by Chris ]. Stevens Two samples were analysed from post-medieval features of 18th to 19th century date at Stone House (pit 178 and pit 190; Table 10), by which time the manor house had become a tenanted farm. As in the medieval features, the main cereal represented was free-threshing wheat (Triticum aestivum sensu lato), but in the later period grains and chaff of tl1is crop dominated the assemblages, and it was possible in these to identify the hexaploid bread wheat type (Triticum aes tivwn) . Both grain and chaff of rye (Secale cereale) were present and r ye rachis fragments were particularly abundant, along with high numbers of straw nodes and internodes. Grains of barley were less well represented. Other crops included both garden pea (Pisum sativum) and broad bean (Viciajaba). Weed seeds were more common than in the earlier features, with large-seeded weed species dominating the assemblages. More unusual elements included capsule tops of poppy. The number of rays was on average five to eight, suggesting long-headed poppy (Papaver dubium), although capsules of prickly poppy (Papave1· argemone) or common poppy (Papaver rhoeas) might also be represented. The two samples also contained seeds of knapweed/cornflower ( Centaurea sp.), stinking mayweed (Anthemis cottda), and corn marigold (Chrysanthemum segetum) . It is also notable that seeds of bulrush/grey club rush were only recovered from these two late deposits. Seeds of elder (Sambucus nigra) and fragm ents of hazelnut ( C01ylus avellana) were generally commoner in the later samples, and a single seed of wild madder (Rubia peregrina) was recovered from one of these. This plant whose root provides a red dye is usually found on drier, The sixteenth centU1y In 15 17 ilie Marquis of Dorset sold the manor ofWest Thurrock to Sir John Spencer. On Spencer's death in 1523, it passed to his widow Isabel for life. His son William Spencer sold the reversion in May 1530 to Sir William Hollis, alderman of London, but Hollis was soon holding the manor on lease. He died in November 1542 and his son Thom as Hollis sold the manor in 1547 to Henry Herdeson. By now the manor was called "West Thurrock or West Hall or the Vineyard", having apparently absorbed the vineyard at Purfleet which had previously belonged to ilie manor of the Knights Hospitaller there, prior to the dissolution of the monasteries. Herdeson sold it on to Robert L ong, mercer of London, and his wife Cicely in November 1548 . After Robert's death in January 1552, Cicely continued to hold the manor until her death in October 1559 (M orant 1768, i 92; VCHEviii 60, 62; ERO D/DAc 247,249, 250; D/DWh/ 1; NA C142/68/20) . An inventory of the house and its contents made at iliis time (Shropshire Archives 6000/94 79) is presented in Appendix 1. The family property was then divided between Robert and Ciceley's three daughters and their husbands by an agreement in February 156 1. Mary and Henry Vyner took the lands and property in Shropshire, Surrey and London; Magdalene and Roger Sadler took half of the manor ofWestThurrock, including the manor house called the Stone H ouse, and a half share of Ciceley's new house called the New Place and its grounds; M artha and William Meredith took the other half of the manor and the other half of the New Place (ERO D/DWh/2). M agdalene died in 1575, leaving her lands to her son 61 ESSEX ARCHAEOLOGY AND HISTORY The village of West Thurrock appears on the earliest map of Essex in 1594 by John Norden. By the second half of the 16th century the West Thurrock m arshes were subject to the jurisdiction of a court of sewers which oversaw the coast from West H am to Mucking. In 1563 the largest landowners were the Sadlers and the Merediths, who between them held 300 acres of marshland as parts of the manor of Westhall, and maintained 506Y:z rods (2.55km) of river wall. They also maintained two sluices and two flood ditches (VCHEviii 68; ERO D /SH7, 103-4, 117) . Leases of marshland at WestThurrock in 1564 and 1576 allovved the tenants to dig out the ear th needed to maintain the r iver walls, but in 1586 another tenant was prosecuted and deprived of his land for digging out 40,000 cartloads of clay and selling it, whilst allowing the river walls to fall into disrepair. L eases of chalk cliffs at Purfleet in 1574 and 1594 included the obligation to deliver chalk between April and June each year for the repair of the river walls ofWestThurrock "according to th'olde custome" (Grieve 1959, 20-1) . Similarly in Thomas Owen's lease to Thomas Gyles in 1589 he was obliged to make an annu al payment of 12 faTes of chalk (at ten cartloads in each fare) at the farmhouse of Harmans, for the repair of the r iver walls (ERO D/DAc 252) . The marshlands were still pr incipally used for sheep pastures and meadow lands (Grieve 1959, 21). Roger Sadler's lease of part ofWest11all to Joh n Steven in 157 4 obliged him to p lant 200 willow trees on the marshes (ERO D /DAc 295) . In Barking in the 1580s the local farmers had increased their hay crop s by "floating" their marsh meadows as water meadows (L ockwood 2006, 89). John Sadler. John conveyed his half of the manor in February 1584 to Thomas Owen, the prominent Shropshire and L ondon lawyer, who also acquired the Merediths' half of the manor in 1589 . H owever, this appears to have been a trust or mortgage arrangement, since Thomas Owen leased half ofThe Place back to the Merediths in September 1589, and his sons conveyed the whole manor in 1607 to Martha Meredith's daughter Mary and her husband Christopher H olford of West Thurrock. The Holfords were already in possession in May 1601 (Morant 1768, i 93; VCHE viii 60; ERO D/DAc 250, 25 1, 253-6, 304; D/DWh/ 10, 11, 13, 14, 17, 18,22,23,29,30,47,5 1) . By the early 16th century the manor house at the Stone H ouse site and its lands had been leased out to farmers. It was leased as "the fa rm called Westhall" by William H ollis to Robert Mason, husbandman, in 1533 for 25 years, in succession to his father John Mason, yeoman. Mason was to do the repairs (ERO D/DAc 291; D/DU 264/2). It was therefore no longer ser ving as the manor house of West Thurrock. In 1561 the Sadlers' share of the manor included "the tenement called the Westhall alias the Stonehouse, whereat the site of the manor heretofore has been situate", the building there called the Westhall K ytchyn, the barn, the sheephouse to the west of the barn, and a yard adj oining these buildings which measured 6 acres 1 rood in extent. T he yard was separated from the yards of tenements called H armans and Newhouse (par t of the share of the Merediths) by a large elm tree, which stood about two poles (10.06m) to the west of the sheephouse (ERO D/DWh/2). Since 1339 therefore, the kitchen had become a separate structure and the sheephouse had been moved from the east side of the complex to the west side, close to the western boundary. In D ecem ber 1574 Roger Sadler made a lease for 2 1 years to John Steven of D agen ham, husbandman, of the western part of the "manor house or capital messuage ofWesthall", as it was then enclosed with a stone wall and in the occupation of John Doe, with the northern half of the barn, and various p ieces of marshland and salt m arsh. Steven was to be responsible for the repairs, except for the "principalls and pr incipal timber only", indicating that part of the structure was of wood (ERO D/DAc 295) . During Cicely L ong's tenure of the manor in 1552-9 a new house called the New Place was built on a plot of demesne land measuring 2 acres 1 rood. Both the house and its grounds were divided between the Merediths and the Sadlers in 156 1 (ERO D/DWh/2) . In mortgages of the Meredith's half of the manor in 158 1, and the Sadlers' half in 1580 and 1583, and in conveyances of 1589- 93, it is called The Place. George Harriot was occupying the Sadlers' half of the house at this time (ERO D /DAc 253, 304, 309; D/DWh/ 11 , 22, 23) . T homas Owen leased the M eredith's half of the manor to Thomas Gyles, yeoman, in 1589 for 21 years, presumably including half of this house (ERO D /DAc 252) . Cicely Long's new house is to be identified with the site of High House, which stands on the southern slope of the chalk ridge, overlooking the marshes and the T hames. The seventeenth century Christopher Holford was lord of the manor of West Thurrock until his death in 1608. He was followed by his eldest son Christopher, who died in c. 1612 leaving an infant daughter and a widow, both called Mary. The widow remarried to Sir Peter Heyman of Canterbury, who held the man or as the guardian of the child while she lived, and then part of it as the jointure of Holford's widow. The jointure lands included Stone House, as noted on the manorial map of 1646 (see Figure 21). The rest of the manor passed to the second Christopher's brother Daniel until his death in 1630. T he manor was then divided again between his two daughters and coheiresses, Martha the wife of Sir Cranmer Harris of Creeksea, and Mary, who later married Sir Henry H eyman of Selling in Kent, the son of Sir Peter. T he H arrisses and the Heymans agreed a new allocation of the manor lands and rents. The first half of the manor, including the house now called the Great Place, passed to Martha's daughter Anne, the wife of Charles Mildmay; the second half descended to Mary's son the second Sir Peter H eyman (Morant 1768, i 93; VCHE viii 60; ERO D/DAc 258-9, 313-314, 320- 1, 345- 6, 355- 6; D/DWh/59, 180). The manor was again reunited by purchase. Robert C layton bought Sir Peter's half share in 1670, of which he 62 WESTTHURROCK j ' • ,.. t ft• . t ....... I I • -· ..·..,.... .,.,.' ... ....... ) ｾ＠ "- ｾ＠ . .. ..t Figure 21 Map of the manor ofWestThurrock 1646 (exu. act, from ERO 0/DU 15) 1646 a map was drawn of the whole manor (Figure 21) . This shows the buildings at Stone House in elevation, consisting of the medieval hall range wi th two southward extensions, a range to its north-west, and a barn or other agricultural building lying towards the west side of the plot . It is noted as part of the jointure lands, and in the tena ncy of John Swallow. When the Harrises and the Heymans redivided the manor, "Stone H ouse Farm" was in the Harrises' part, comprising a house, yards, orchards and "backsides" in an enclosure measuring 4 acres 2 roods 2 perches. John Swallow had been followed as tenant by John T ibballs (ERO D/DAc 354). Tibballs paid Hearth Tax on four hearths in the house in 167 1 (ERO Q/RThS f2) . Stone H ouse was rebuilt in brick and flint in 1683, according to a date stone on its front, approxim ately 20m to the north of its predecessor, the fo rmer manor house (Thorne 1876, 18) . The building work cost £500 . Shortly afterwards Ralph Everard junior was the tenant of the "Stone H ouse farm house, new built upon the last division", in succession to John T ibballs (ERO D/DAc 355). The sales to Robert Clayton in May 1684, Sarah Vandenanker in September 1684 and Caleb G rantham in 1697 specifically included the Stone House with its barns, stables, yards and gardens (ERO D/DAc 269; D /DU 435/2 bundle 1; D/DWh/70, 72-4). The reconstruction at Stone H ouse can be compared to the development of Low Hall manor house in Waltham stow, where a new cross wing was added to the solar end in the 16th century, and was extended to become a new smaller manor house in the 17th century, after the demolition of the medieval structures (Blair 2002, 202, 204- 5, 207-9). To the east of Stone House, and also on the south side of the Purfleet/Grays road, there was another house already held the mortgage, and Anne Mildmay's half share in May 1684. In 1683 he agreed to sell the whole manor to the London merchant Cornelius Vandenanker, but he died before the transaction could take place. The purchase was therefore completed by Vandenanker's widow Sarah in September 1684. She was remarried to Colonel Benjamin Desborough by 1685, and their children Cornelia Vandenanker and Cromwell Desborough also married. Desborough got into financial difficulties over the draining of the marshlands of the manor (see below), and sold the uplands to Captain Caleb Grantham in 1697 (Morant 1768, i 93; VCHE viii 60; ERO D/DAc 267-9, 353; D/DFa/T28; D/DU 435/2 bundle 1; D/DWh/59, 68, 70, 72, 73, 76, 86, 87, 94, 94) . Sir Peter and Mary Heyman made a lease of the Stone H ouse and its lands at an unknown date in the reign of Charles I (the date is blank in the indenture) to John Broman of South Ockenden, yeoman, for 2 1 years at an annual rent of £57 15sh. The property included barns, stables, outhouses, a dovehouse, three ya rds adjoining the house, orchards and gardens, six acres of upland, and various pieces of marshland totalling 102 acres. The lease may never have come into effect (ERO D/DAc 320). There was a dispute in 163 1 between the H arrisses and the Heymans over the repair of some of the manorial property, including Stone H ouse and its ancillary buildings. Sir Peter Heyman agreed to do the repairs, using timber taken from the demesne lands of the manor (ERO D/DAc 346) . In July 1639 Sir Peter H eyman made a conveyance in trust of " the capital messuage called Westhall alias Stonehouse", which was then in the occupation of John Swallow (ERO D/DAc 321). When the manor ofWestThurrock belonged to Sir Cranmer Harris and S ir Henry Heyman in February 63 ESSEX ARCHAEOLOGY AND HISTORY belonging to the manor by the 17th century. This was later known as Low House, but its earlier name has not been identified (Wessex Archaeology 2003b, ii). The house also appears on the map of February 1646 in a large enclosure, without a tenant's name. In 1610 half of the house called The Place, its rooms and half its two-acre plot were leased by Christopher Holford to his mother, and back to him, in a family settlement (ERO D/DAc 3 13 and 3 14). In December 16 15 Sir Peter Heyman and his wife Mary leased the house, then called New Place, to John Murfitt of Wenington, gentleman, for ten years at annual rent of £68 16sh. The property included barns, stables, outl1ouses, a dovehouse, yards, gardens and orchards. A schedule sewn into the lease details the rooms of tl1e twostorey house as the kitchen (with a chimney), the pantry, the wet larder, tl1e dry larder, the spicery, the parlour, the buttery, the cellar, the larder chamber, the maid's chamber, the maid's gallery, the dining room, the spicery chamber, the chamber over the parlour and buttery, the long gallery, the little gallery, the court, the still-house, the wash-house, the dairy, the brewhouse, the chamber over the brewhouse, the wood house and tl1e iron house. There were glass windows, and locks and keys, and a lead water pipe descending from the eaves in the court by the kitchen door (ERO D/DAc 3 15). After the division of the manor between tl1e Harrises and the H eymans, it lay in Sir Peter Heyman's part of the manor (ERO D/DAc 353). In 1671 Ralph Everard paid Hearth Tax on houses containing six hearths and four hearths here (ERO QIRTh5 f2). In a mortgage of 1677 the house was known as the Great Place, and was still tenanted by Ralph Everard (ERO D/DAc 323; D/DWh/68) . It was rebuilt in brick at about this date at a cost of£ 1000; in the 1680s it was still held by Everard as a " capital messuage or farm house with a malting and dove house" (ERO D /DAc 355). It was later rendered in stucco. From 1684 it was known as Little Place or High House, a name transferred from an adjacent house ( VCHE viii 61 ). Under these names it was occupied by Elizabeth Swinnerton in 1684 and 1697 (ERO D/DU 435/2 bundle 1; D /DWh/70). A smaller adjacent house was built by 160 1, when it was described as a "new messuage ... lately erected" with a dovehouse, held by Christopher and Mary Holford along with The Place built by Cicely Long (ERO D/DWh/47). Mary Holford still held both these houses in 1611 (ERO D/DWh/180).The new house was known as Little Place by 1631, when three-quarters of it was held by Anthony Sadler (ERO D/DAc 345). It was later called High House, tenanted by Francis Read in the 1680s (ERO D/DAc 355). It is not clear what became of this house; it may have been removed by 1684 ( VCHE viii 61). The map of February 1646 shows two structures (as well as the dovecote) in the High House plot, a large house to the wes t and a small house to the east (see Figure 21). These presumably represented Great Place and Little Place respectively. In Sir Peter Heyman's leases of New Place to John Murfitt in 1615, and of Stone House to John Broman in the reign of Charles I, Heyman undertook to maintain the river walls of the properties (ERO D/DAc 3 15, 320). It was still important to keep these in repair in the 17th century. In December 1690 during high winds and tides there was a disastrous breach in the WestThurrock river walls on the land of Francis Moore of Bayhouse, causing extensive flooding of the marshlands to the south-east of Stone House. Morant states that subterranean u·ees were washed out by the action of the river, presumably from layers of peat (Morant 1768, i 93). The breach grew to 100 yards wide and 24 feet deep at high tide, and deposited a sandbank in the Thames. The remnants of this intrusion by the Thames can still be seen in a map of 1749 in the stretch of water called The Breach (Figure 22).There was a similar flood lake in the Ripple Marshes in Barking parish, called the Rant (Lockwood 2006, 889). A special commission of sewers, promoted by me City ofLondon, was appointed to deal with meWestThurrock breach. Benjamin Desborough spent £1,500 on building counter walls to reclaim his part of me marshes, which totalled 309 acres. However, it proved impossible to collect a rate for the necessary repairs from any of me oilier local landowners except Sir R obert C layton. A consortium of London merchants and sea captains offered to undertake me reclamation work, and in 1694 me marshlands were confiscated by the commission and granted to tl1e consortium, which closed up me breach by 1696. Colonel Desborough contended that me confiscation was illegal, and fought a series of court cases against me consortium's title to the land until his deam in c. 1708. His financial difficulties forced him to sell the upland parts of the manor in 1697; the marshlands he had previously mortgaged to Slingsby Bemell. The heirs of me members of me consortium also fell out, and litigation between them continued until 17 50 ( VCHE vili 60, 61, 68; Grieve 1959, 24; ERO D/DFa/T28; D/DHt/T270/9; NA C225/2/60) . The eighteenth century Caleb Graniliam died in 1699 and was succeeded as lord of me manor ofWestThurrock by his brother Namaniel, who died in 1723. He was followed by his widow Mary, and in 1738 by his son, me second Caleb Granmam. All iliree of me Graniliams were sailing captains in the East India Company. The second Caleb bought back the marshlands of the manor from me heirs of the consortium in 1750, forming the land-units of Stonehouse Farm and Tunnel House Farm. His will of 1762 left his manors to his daughter Mary, the wife of John Seare ofTring in Hertfordshire. In 1777 me Seares sold me manor to Samuel Whitbread, me brewer of Cardington in Bedfordshire, and also sold Stonehouse Farm and Tunnel House separately to John Button of Grays Thurrock. The Whitbread family were lords of me manor until its estate was broken up in 1920 ( VCHE viii 60-1; Morant 1768, i 93; ERO D/DU 435/2 bundle 1; D /DWh/103-4, 108-110, 2 12). By the 18th century High House was regarded as the main house of West Thurrock manor. It was also sometimes called West Hall or Le Vyneyard, names transferred from me alternative names of the manor 64 WESTTHURROCK (TIGH E viii 61). Nathaniel Grantham and the second Stonehouse and Tunnel H ouse farms to him. Stonehouse Farm is noted as having one barn, a stable and a cowhouse. A plan shows the layout as slightly different to that of 1777 and more like the layout depicted on the later tithe map (ERO D/DU 453/3 bundle 2). By this time Stone H ouse was no longer used as the farmhouse. John Button leased it to the parish of\Vest Thurrock to be used as the workhouse in 1778 . It was shared with the parishes of Stifford from 1788 and Aveley from 1792. T he parishes were responsible for the repairs, including tl1e windows and fences around the garden. In June 1791 an inventory of goods in me house mentions me brewhouse, the kitchen, tl1e lower room, the pantry, me cellar, Kate's room, two back rooms, Mrs Drabble's room, two front garrets and two back garrets. This suggests a square-built two-storey house with attics. In 1802 it contained 15 paupers fro m WestThurrock, mostly children. It continued in this usage until me lease expired in 1802, when the frequent repairs required to me building made me scheme uneconomic and it was terminated ( VCHEviii 61, 70; ERO DIP 330/8/2 ff88v, 161 ). By the 18th century tl1e majority of me farmland in me parish was arable. The farms on me uplands still had plots of pasture on the marshlands ( VCHE viii 64; L ockwood 2006, 87; Figure 22). A lease of Stonehouse Farm and Tunnells Farm from John Button to his son in 1798 specified that every tl1ree years tl1e fields were to be left fallow and planted witl1 rye grass and clover (ERO D /DU 453/3 bundle 2). Caleb Grantham lived there after the occupancy of Elizabeth Swinnerton (ERO D/DU 435/2 bundle 1) . In 1738 it was noted as having barns, outbuildings and backsides (ERO D /DWh/ 103) . The eight-bay timberframed weather-boarded barn which survives on the site is of an early 18th century date. The late 17th century house appears on a map of\VestThurrock Level in 1749 as a two-storey stru cture of two wings, occupied by Captain Grantham. After Caleb Grantham's death in 1762 it was occupied by Edward Percivall and Gerard Lake. In May 1766 John and Mary Seare leased it to John James, L ord Percivall, for eleven years. A schedule of contents mentions the kitchen, the larder, the pantry, the rooms over the kitchen and drawing room (which both had chimneys), the room over the best parlour, the back stairs, the garret over the best room (with steps up the lead roof), the brewhouse with a room over it, the dairy, the yard, the stables, the garden and the vineyard. There was a drawing of High H ouse in a black frame in the room over the best parlour. There was a pump in the brewhouse, a lead cistern in the yard, and a sundial and three seats in the garden. Percivall assigned the remainder of his lease to Zachariah Button in June 1769 (ERO D /DWh/ 108). The house is named on Chapman and Andre's map of Essex in 1777. In this year John and Mary Seare sold it with the manor to Samuel Whitbread, with its courtyards, backsides, stables, coach houses, carthouses, brewhou se, barns, granary, pigeon house, gardens and orchards. The most recent tenant was called Tibbald (ERO D /DWh/ 109). Two effigies of a knight in armour and his wife were removed from the parish church to form supporters of a gateway at High House. They were supposed to be of the Desborough family, but as the costumes were of the 16th century they presumably represented earlier lords of the manor. The effigies were returned to the church in the 19th century (Thorne 1876, 611). The rebuilt Stone House of 1683 is conventionally represented on a map of 1749 as a single-storey building with a gabled roof (Figure 22). In a trust document of 1767 it is described as having barns, stables, yards, a garden and orchards. Since the tenancy of Ralph Everard junior it had been in the hands of Nathaniel Grantham (ERO D/DU 435/2 bundle 1) . The house is named on Chapman and Andre's map of Essex in 1777, which also shows Low H ouse but does not name it. In January of the same year John and Mary Seare sold Stonehouse Farm to John Button for £9,550, with its outhouses, barns, stables, granaries, sheds, yards, gardens and orchards (ERO D/DU 435/3 bundle 1; D/DWh/220) . The farm totalled 370 acres and a map of it is attached to the sale (Figure 23). It shows the main house close to the road junction, with four agricultural buildings and a complex of yards to the south, and a long pond lying alongside the driftway into the marshes. One of the buildings may represent the medieval manor house, or a barn built close to its site. The western barn of 1646 was no longer present. In March 1798 John Button's son John married Francis Freeman, and his fath er leased The nineteenth and twentieth centuries The Ordnance Survey map of 1805 shows both High House and Stone House, the latter as a complex of tl1ree buildings. John Button mortgaged Stonehouse Farm and Tunnel H ouse Farm in January 1805 and March 1809 (ERO D /DU 4 53/4). There was a scheme in 18 11 to extend the marsh pastures of Stonehouse Farm, which was restricted by a lack of fresh water for cattle (VCHE viii 65). On the tithe map of \Vest Thurrock parish in 1838 mere are four buildings at Stone House (Figure 24), the easternmost building of 1777 having been removed. The pattern of yard and garden boundaries has also been altered, but the long pond is still shown. John Freeman of Stifford L odge was the owner and occupier. Low H ouse is shown as three buildings and a pond at the head of short driftway leading into the marshes (ERO D /CT 357A no 122;\VA 2003b, 13-14. In 1845 Freeman leased Stone H ouse and Tunnel House farms to Robert T homas Barry of\Voolwich. Stone House had been converted into mree cottages, the granary was converted into another, and there were four omer cottages on me plot. A lease of 1857 repeats the same description (ERO D /DU 435/4) . Part of the L ow House complex was similarly divided into dwelling houses in the later 19th century (Wessex Archaeology 2003b, 14) . According to me date stone on me front of Stone House it was repaired in 1856 (Thorne 1876, 18). It was demolished in the 1920s when me junction of Stonehouse Lane and London Road was realigned (VCHE viii 59). 65 ESSEX ARCHAEOLOGY AND HISTORY / Stone House ' - ｾＭ I , ; ... r ) L. ... Figure 22 Map ofWcstThurrock Level 1749 (extract, from NA MR 1/639) 66 I I .. ,..... WESTTHURROCK l Figure 23 Plan of Stonehouse Farm 1777 (extract, from ERO D/DWh/220) In 1835 High H ou se belonged to John Freeman (Wright 1835, ii 519) . The High House plot had developed into a complex of seven buildings by 1838 (Figure 24) . The owner and occupier was William HenryWhitbread (ERO DICT 357A no 94). By 1954 it had been divided into flats and it still stands, along with the dovecote and early 18th century barn (VCHE viii 58, 6 1). belonged to such a system, possibly part of a droveway T here is more substantial evidence for Late Bronze Age I Early Iron Age (the pottery hints towards Early Iron Age) settlement, confmed to the highest point of the site at H igh H ouse and overlooking the T hames to the south. This settlement appears to have been unenclosed, one of a variety of such settlements which are known in Essex including, fo r example, North Shoebury (Wymer and Brown 1995) and Whitehall Wood, U pmin ster (Greenwood 1986), the latter less than 1Okm to the northwest of High House. Although ditch 17000 at High H ouse appears not to have been part of an enclosure, it certainly formed a boundary of some sort, with a concentration of irregular pits to the west. A Late Bronze Age I Early Iron Age ditch of broadly similar size (and possibly similarly aligned) recorded approximately 300m to the nor th-west of ditch 17000 in an earlier evaluation (OAU 1995) may also have been part of a linear boundary rather than an enclosure. No structural remains were identified in the H igh H ouse excavation, probably not a reflection of poor survival as L ate Iron Age post-holes were found in this area. Nevertheless, the relatively large quantities of pottery and loom weights (but no spindle-whorls or perforated clay tablets) do suggest that there were structures nearby and subsequent excavation (in 2008) has revealed a scatter of small pits and post-holes, including at least one four-post structure, less than 1OOm to the south. T he fau nal and charred plant remains attest to agricultural intensification in the Late Bronze Age I Early Iron Age, in common with the evidence from other sites in Essex and further afield, and indicate the exploitation of a variety of soils and habitats in the vicinity of H igh Hou se. In this respect, the briquetage from one Middle I Late Bronze DISCUSSION • Previous investigations between Purfleet and West T hurrock have focussed almost exclusively on the nationally important P leistocene deposits exposed in the surrounding chalk quarries, but little was known of the later settlement histor y.This situation has been redressed to some degree by the recent HS 1 excavations which have investigated a transect across the landscape, from the higher ground on the chalk ridge at High H ouse to the lower lying marsh at Stone Hou se. L ittle can be deduced from the small assemblage of worked flint of probable Neolithic and later date and the two sherds of Beaker potter y from High H ouse, although the latter are likely to attest to settlement in the vicinity at this time. The scatter of small Middle Bronze Age pits at H igh H ouse reflects the picture elsewhere in Essex where 'settlement sites [of this period] ... remain elusive and are still largely confined to sites with occasional pits' (Brown 1996, 25). Structural evidence has proved difficult to fmd, but probable Middle Bronze Age field systems have been recorded at Mucking (Bond 1988) as well as at North Shoebur y (Wymer and Brown 1995), both to the east of H igh House on the north side of the T hames estuary (Figure 1). Perhap s the two gullies at High House 67 ESSEX ARCHAEOLOGY AND HISTORY ------- --------- --"--- -----ｾﾷ＠ Figure 24 Tithe map ofWest T hurrock parish 1838 (extract, from ERO D/CT 357B) Age I Early Iron Age ditch 17000 for burial, creating a linear cemetery immediately to the east of the postulated trackway. Although no settlement evidence of this date was recovered in the excavation, the cemetery is likely to have served a small r ural settlement within close proximity; the burial grounds associated with su ch settlements were often located close to boundaries (Esmonde Cleary 2000, 132-1 33, 137- 8) . In addition, one might note the relatively large quantity of ponery fro m ditch 17010, perhaps an indicator of a settlement nearby; the charred plant remains which, as in the late prehistoric period, reflect the utilisation of a fairly wide range of soil types; and the dominance of sheep in the faunal assemblage. Ditch 170 10 may have been a significant boundary feature, as may ditch 29302 recorded further to the west in th e watching brief. U nfortunately, the absence of any known settlement nucleus in the vicinity prevents a coherent picture of the local rural landscape being developed, as has been possible on a large-scale at Mucking, and the extent of chalk quarrying m eans that much evidence will have been lost. Nevertheless, the evidence from High House does confirm the picture of continuity from the Late Iron Age to the Early Roman period seen elsewhere in the region (Brown and Glazebrook 2000, 31). The mixed-rite cemetery represents a significant discovery and it might partly reflect an impetus in rural development in the area which appears to have occurred in the Flavian period (Going 1996, 103), though several of the brooches appear to indicate a slightly earlier, Claudian I Neronian date. Burial in ditches is not a common feature of Early Roman rural cemeteries and Age pit should also be noted as it reflects salt production in the nearby marshes. N o Middle Iron Age features or finds were present at High House and there was only one feature of possible Middle I Late Iron Age date at Stone House, in addition to an unstratified 4th century BC brooch, supporting the current perception in the region of discontinuity in settlement sites between the Early Iron Age and the Late Iron Age, with a localised shifting of settlement foci (Brown and Glazebrook 2000, 3 1) . In contrast to the lack of evidence for Middle Iron Age settlement, Late Iron Age features were found at both High H ouse and Stone H ouse. The function of the cluster of shallow pits at Stone H ouse is difficult to ascertain, particularly in the absence of any structu ral evidence, but tl1e small enclosure, ditches, pits and postholes at High H ouse probably represent part of a more extensive complex, possibly a farmstead, of at least tvvo phases. The enclosure may have contained a four-post structure, perhaps a granary, but no round-houses were identified within the excavated area and it must be assumed that such structures lay elsewhere. It should be emphasised that the excavation exposed only a small part of a much larger landscape, such as has been revealed at Mucking about 1Okm to the east. T he Late Iron Age settlement at High H ouse was su cceeded within a decade or so of the Conquest by a new layout of features representing what is interpreted as a trackway with a relatively substantial boundary ditch to the west. It is possible that the Roman layout utilised various elements of the pre-Conquest landscape, and this is most clearly demonstrated by the use of Late Bronze 68 WESTTHURROCK Philpott (1991, 137) notes occasional examples in the South-East of probable 1st century burials accompanied by brooches only, the most commonly occurring type of personal ornament. Against this background, the five burials (>40% of the fully excavated examples) at High H ouse with one or more brooches must represent an unusual group, particularly inhumation burial 17044 with five brooches. This was the only grave to contain other grave goods, comprising four pots, possibly one wooden vessel with a copper alloy binding strip and one glass unguent bottle, and these appear to make it a uniquely well-furnished mid-late 1st century inhumation burial in the South-East. The range of vessels is likely to represent a 'table set', though no food remains were present or survived. Single potter y vessels occur with three early inhumation burials at Guilden Morden, Cambridgeshire, and there were two vessels in each of two graves at Julliberries Grave, Chilham, Kent, but it is only at the latter site that pottery (a beaker and a dish) occur alongside a brooch (and also a bracelet) in a single grave, this example being dated to c. AD 50 (Philpott 1991, 137). It might be noted here that in addition to the two inhumation burials atJulliberries Grave there were also two cremation burials, another sinlliarity that might be drawn with High House. Philpott (1991) records no examples of surviving evidence fo r wooden vessels (otl1er tl1an caskets), and altl1ough unguent bottles are present in cremation burials he does not cite any as early as the 1st century AD in inhumation burials. T he deposition of t11e broken example at High House may reflect an amuletic property. The burials from High H ouse provide a useful addition- particularly given the earl y prominence of the inhumation rite- to the known burials of this date from the South-East. D espite the numbers recovered over the last decade from rural contexts, for example, excavations along the route of the A120 (Timby et al. 2007) and from Stansted (Cooke el al. 2008) both in Essex, the majority of the burials derive from urban cemeteries (Going 1997; Going and Plouviez 2000). Overall, tl1erefore, the mixed-rite cemetery at High H ouse, which might have been established around the time of the Conquest and remained in use for p erhaps two or tl1ree decades, represents an unusual rural and relatively richly-furnished example, with few parallels in the South-East. O steological analysis has demonstrated comparatively low levels of dental hypoplasia which suggest relatively well-nourished children, though the occurrence of cribm orbitalia and at least one case of rickets suggest potential dietary problems for som e individuals. The generally fairly slight calculus deposits suggest a moderate self-cleaning diet, potentially reasonably high in meat protein, though the high caries rate implies a carbohydrate-rich diet. It is interesting to note tl1e apparent predominance of occlusal caries which are generally considered more characteristic of later periods (medieval/post-medieval) where the diet contained more refined foods and a high er sugar content. Trauma rates are very low and this, together with the levels of joint disease suggests the general this example, apparently extending over a distance of at least 1OOm, exhibits a number of unusual characteristics which make it of considerable interest . Cremation was the predominant rite in the late pre-Roman Iron Age in South-East England but there is growing evidence, mostly from rural sites, that inhumation was occasionally practiced before and after the Conquest, following which cremation was again the usual funerary rite in the early Roman period . The inhumations at High H ouse were perhaps part of a localised, minority rite which may also be represented at Ardale, near Grays, approximately 7.5krn to the north-east, where eight Late Iron Age inhumation burials were identified (Wilkinson 1988, 278, 58), and a little further away at Mucking where another group of eight inhumation burials have been assigned to this period (Going 1993, 19; Clark 1993, site atlas plan 12; Jones and Jones 197 5). No human bone survived at Ardale and only two graves contained possible grave goods- one a pot and a La Tene 3 brooch, the other a pot (Wilkinson 1988, 58), while at Mucking the silhouettes of fl exed inhumations in coffins were recorded, and one grave contained a pot Gones and Jones 197 5). The disposition of the bodies and the presence of coffins at Mucking provide further parallels with the inhumations at High House (see below) . At High House, the brooch from cremation burial 1704 7 may be the earliest from the cemetery and a preConquest date for this and, therefore, the beginning of burial there is possible. However, all of the burials could b e R omano-Rriti!;h. Tf the two c rem ation huria]!; did pre- date the inhumation burials then it seems that it cannot have been by long, and it is likely that the two rites were broadly contemporaneou s. Being unurned, they do not follow what is usually thought of as the usual Iron Age tradition of urned burial, though in the mid and later 1st century AD this quite often saw the deposition of a single brooch as part of the rite (Philpott 1991, 47, 129). In the earliest Romano-British cemetery at Mucking (cemetery 3; Clark 1993, site atlas plan 17), fo ur of the eleven cremation burials were unurned, and of probably similar Conquest-period date were several extended, uncoffined and unaccompanied inhumation burials (cited in Philpott 1991, 4 5) . This may also provide a parallel for the cemetery at High H ouse, though here only one body was extended and the majority were flexed, with two being crouched or loosely crouched. The inhumation burials at High H ouse are also distinguished by the presence of coffins in at least six of the graves, as well as brooches in five - in one case (inhumation burial 17044) along with pottery vessels a nd possibly one \VOoden vessel. The use of coffin s was not unknown in the early Roman period (Philpott 199 1, 53), but the number identified at High H ouse does appear to be unusual, as does the number of early inhumation burials recorded. The coffins include what appears to have been a more elaborate, hinged box (inhumation burial 17062), box burial being an early R oman introduction in tl1e Soutl1-East, tl1ough other recorded examples are all associated witl1 cremation rather than inhumation burials (Philpott 199 1, 17) . 69 ESSEX ARCH AEOLOGY AND HIST ORY lifestyle was n ot markedly ph ysically strenuous. The possible occurrence of either tuberculosis or brucellosis may be indicative of lives lived in close proximity to cattle. The possible case of leprosy, if a correct diagnosis, would render this potentially the earliest recorded case of the disease from the country. There is no evidence for the R om an activity at H igh House continuing beyond the end ofthe 1st centur y AD , and the only indication of a Saxon p resence were sherds of a bowl of probable 5th I 6th century date found redeposited in a later ditch at Ston e Hou se. If the suggested dating is correct, then the vessel could be broadly contem porar y with the earliest phases of AngloSaxon settlement at M ucking. Probably the most significant discovery of H S 1 excavations at West Thurrock was the medieval manor house at Stone H ouse. This was not the first, and there was a sequence of manor houses in West T hurrock which reflect the ch anging relationship of the manor to its landscape dominated by the chalk r idge of the Purfleet anticline and the marshes of the Thames shore. The fir st manor house of the 11th centur y was probably located close to St Clement's church on a p romontory in the m arshes, controlling its valuable asset of the route by ferry across the T hames to Greenhithe. T he grazing of sheep on the marshes was already a significant part of the ma norial economy, and it was early in the 12th century that the circular nave of St Clement's church was constructed (Harrold 1998, 4-6). T he ferry became increasingly important in the late 12th century when it became the route of pilgrimages to Canterbury. Around the end of the 13th century the Brianzon lords of the manor probably relocated their manorial centre to a place previously occupied by stock enclosures at the Stone House site. Here they built a new stone m anor house, one of a ver y small number of medieval, r ural, domestic stone buildings known from Essex (Figure 25) .The site, on the south side of the road from Purfleet to Grays Thurrock which ran along the edge of the marshes, reflected the balance of value of the uplands and marshlands in the agricultural economy. It controlled a manorway stock route into the marshes, but was sufficiently high above them to avoid flooding by the rising waters of the T hames, which now had to be held back by embankments along the r iver shore. Immediately to the north was tl1e junction of the marsh-edge road with the route (Stonehouse L ane) to the otl1er Brianzon manor at Aveley, and on to London. T he manor house was extended in the early 14th century and served as the central point of tl1e manor until the 16th century. F inds as well as faunal and plant remains from this p eriod were very sparse, but a reasonably coherent !'t l'" ,..- Figure 25 Reconsn·uction drawing of Stone House, viewed from the north-west (by M ark G ridley) 70 ,, WESTTHURROCK ground plan of the manor house was obtained, despite th e entire building not being available for detailed excavation and it having been extensively robbed . This has allowed comparisons with other manor houses of this period in Essex, for example Southchurch Hall Gackson 1987, 34-8) and, in particular, Low Hall, Walthamstow (Blair 2002) . Furthermore, documentary research has enabled many details of the ownership, layout and use of the houses at Stone H ou se and High H ouse to be established, particularly in the p ost-medieval period, as well as providing useful background information on the environment and economy of the area, and the continuing efforts to reclaim land along the edge of the Thames estuary (cf. G lazebrook 1997, 52-3; Brown and G lazebrook 2000, 49). The opportunities for excavation and documentary research at Stone House have a wider importance as there has been a generally low level of excavation of rural medieval sites in the region, and a need has been identified to research and date settlement patterns (Glazebrook 1997, 52- 3) .The evolution of the medieval house and farmstead is also an important research topic (Brown and Glazebrook 2000, 48), with few recorded rural medieval house plans and, as noted above, stonebuilt rural medieval buildings are almost unknown. In the 1550s the Stone H ouse was superseded by the construction of a new house by C icely Long at the Nevv Place, later known as H igh H ouse. Its more elevated position to the north of tl1e road to Purfleet (L ondon ｒｯＺｾ､Ｉ＠ reflects the increasing importance of arable land in the agriculture of the period. Stone H ouse became a tenanted farm from the 16th century onwards, whilst High H ou se was regarded as the m ain house of the manor when it was held by Cicely's descendants and their successors until the 19tl1 century. During the divisions of the manor between absentee landlords in tl1e mid 17th century and the 1760s it was often in the hands of tenants. It is not known where the courts of the manor were held at any period in its history, and it is tl1erefore difficult to say which house functioned as the manorial centre. Stone H ouse was rebuilt in 1683 and most of the medieval manor house was demolished at the same time or shortly after, the solar block probably being converted to a cottage which may have survived for another 150 years. Stone H ouse continued as a tenanted farm, except for a short period at the end of the 18th century when it was used as the parish workhouse. All buildings at Stone House had gone by the 1920s but the High H ouse complex remains, tl1e sole survivor, along witl1 St Clement's church, of old WestThurrock. Thanks are also extended to the Section 2 RLE design and construction teams and also to the Hochtief I Norwest H olst joint ve nture, the principal contractors, for their co-operation, particularly at Stone House. The archaeology programme has been moni tored by archaeologists from Essex County Council and English Heritage and, in particular, we would like to acknowledge Richard Havis and Deborah Priddy for their continued support and advice. Christopher Phillpotts would like to thank the staff at the National Archives in Kew, the British Library, the Essex Record Office and the London Metropolitan Archives for meir assistance during m e documentary research. T he programme of fieldwork and initial postexcavation was managed for Wessex Archaeology by Andrew Crockett. The fieldwork at High H ouse was directed by Phil H arding, assisted by Mike Dinwiddy, and Mike Dinwiddy undertook me watching brief at Stone H ouse which Jed to tl1e discovery of the medieval manor house. The subsequent excavation was directed by James Wright, assisted by Hannah Marriot. We are grateful to the archaeological teams at both sites, and in particular to mose individuals who worked long hours at Stone H ouse to ensure that tl1e excavation was completed within a tight timescale. Preliminary post- excavation work was undertaken by Mike Dinwiddy and Hannah Marriot, and interim reports on both sites were produced by Phil Andrews. The main phase of post-excavation assessment, analysis and publication was managed on behalf of the Oxford Wessex Archaeology Joint Venture by Andrew Crockett. Bruno Barber co-ordinated the preparation of tl1e post-excavation project design, with in put from Lorraine Mepham (finds) and Camerine Barnett (environmental). In addition to those listed amongst me contributors to this report, the following specialists have also provided information: Matt Leivers (worked flint), Nicholas Cooke (coin s), Rachael Seager Smith and Kayt Brown (potter y), Ruth Shaffrey (stone) and Catherine Barnett (charcoal). The finds were dealt witl1 by Angi Britten, tl1e soil samples processed by Hayley Clark and the residues sorted by Sarah Wyles. S imon Skittrell undertook the preparation of the digital archive for the two sites and has also digitised the field drawings for publication here. Elaine Wakefield took me photographs used in tl1is report and all of the illustrations are by S.E. Jam es, with the exception of the Stone H ouse reconstruction which was drawn by Mark Gridley. Andrew Fitzpatrick and Andrew Powell read and provided constructive criticism on an earlier draft of this report, with external comments provided by Richard Havis (on behalf of Essex County Council) and Jane Sidell (on behalf of RLE). We would also like to thank Owen Bedwin for his editorial advice during tl1e latter stages of tl1e publication programme. Acknowledgements Rail L ink Engineering's (RLE) in-house archaeology team which, for WestThurrock, com prised Helen G lass, Jay Carver, Steve H aynes and Brigitte Buss, projectmanaged all aspects of tl1e work on behalf of (tl1en) U nion Railways (Nortl1) Limited (now High Speed 1 L td). We would like to acknowledge their assistance and support throughout all phases of me programme of archaeological work. 71 ESSEX ARCHAEOLOGY AND HISTORY APPENDIX 1: HIGH HOUSE, INVENTORY OF OCTOBER 1559 Item j bolster of fethers with the bed & Item j bolster of flock with the flockbed & Item ij pillowes of downe lllJS Item j cubborde of wayneskott xs Item j smale quysshen of white silk xijd Item j smale __ of blewe and yelowe with a fringe for a bedd IJS Item j smale pece of grene and redd saye for iiijs vjd a bedd Item j cheste of oke xvd viijd Item j smale stole of waynskott Item j bound close chayre of wood IJ S ijs Item j paier of andyrons of yron Item j curtayne in the wyndowe of grene and redd buckeram ijs Item tl1e hangings of tl1e chamber of paynted xiijs iiijd clothe Item vj bedstaves, a white brushe of hare and a come iijs vijl iiijs iiijd Summa Transcribed by Christopher Phillpotts (S hropshire Archives 6000/94 79) Herafter ensuythe the inventorye indented of all the goods, cattails, debts, household stuff, p late, jewells and redye money which late were of Cycely Long wedowe deceassed, viewed and preysed by Richard P ype leatherseller, Mathewe Colclough draper, Christofer Dymitesey mercer, Citezenes of London, and John Gilman of Weste Thurrock in the countie of Essex yo man, the furste daie of October 15 59 ... Att her howsse in E ssex In the Parlor Item j square table of wayneskott Item j forme of wayneskott Item vj stoles of wayneskott Item j carpett of dorney old Item vij cusshens Item ij smale chayres with yelowe fustyan Item j chaire of walnutte tree Item j old turned chayre Item j cub borde of waynskott Item j dorney carpett to the same cuborde Item j Iitle tabull of wayneskott Item j corte coberd for a paier of virginalls Item ij Iitle dorney carpetts to the same Item j jack of wood for a bason Item j skerne of wyker sett in wayneskotte Item j paier of andirons of yron Item j paier of tongs of yron Item j back of yron in the chymney Item vj fote stoles Item j paier of tabulls Item the hanging of paynted clothe Item a portall with other drawing wyndowes Summa viijs viijd vijs xijd vijs In MrVyners Chamber Item a bedsted of waynescott xiijsiiijd Item iiij curtaynes of green and redd buckeram vs Item a settell of wayneskott lliJS Item vj bedstaves vjd Item j flock bedd VHJS Item j bolster of flock & ijs vjd Item j bolster of fethers ijs viijd Item j white blankett vjs viijd Item j redd coverlett Item j olde cheste of oke xxd Item j cubborde iijs iiijd iijs iiijd Item j smale presse for glasses Item vij drinken glasses in the same presse VIJS xvjd Item j owre glasse Item j do sen of rownde trenchers with a case xijd Item ij urrenalls iijd xijd Item iij glasses for Rose Water xvs Item the paynted clothes of canvas Item iij curtayne rodds IJS Summa iijl xviijs vijd lllJS iiijs vijs XS xiiijd vs vjd iiijs iiijd ijs viijd xd xvjd iiijs viijd viijd iiij s xviijd ijs xvjs viijd xxvs vjli In the Hall xiijs iiijd Item the hangings of paynted clothe Item j tabull with a frame of wayneskotte vjs viijd vijs Item vj stoles of wayneskott Item iij formes of oke ijs viijd Item j cub borde of wayneskott XS Item j paier of playeing tabulls xxd xvjd Item ij brusshes Summa xlijs viijd In her owen Chamber Item j beds ted of wayneskott xiijs iiijd Item v curtaynes of yelowe and blewe say and frynge to the same about the bedd xxs Item iij curtayne roodds ijs viijd Item j Iitle settell of wayneskott at the bedds fote iijs Item j fetherbedd xis Item j flock bedd viijs Item j paier of white blanketts vs Item j redd coverlett viijs iiijd In the C hamber next the Servants Item j bedsted of wayneskott Item v curtaynes of grene and redd buckeram Item j settell att the bedds fote Item fringe abowte the bedd of grene and redd crewell & Item iij cur tayne rodds Item j flock bedd Item j white blankett Item j closse chaire of wayneskott Item the paynted hangings about the Chamber Summa In the M ylke House Item ij bolting tubbes, j mele tubbe, j kneding troughe Summa patet 72 xs vs iiijd xxd iiijs IJ S xxd xs xis vs vjd WESTTHURROCK The Pewter Item iij pewter candelsticks Item ij porringers of pewter Item j pewter bole for a possett Item vj planers Item iij chargers Item ij bason, a grete and a Iitle Item v rownd disshes Item iij square dysshes Item x rownde sawcers Item vj square sawcers Item j custerd me lle Item j plate for a tar te Item v chamber potts Item j quarte pon and j pone!! pott Item iij pewter potts for vergis, vynegar and musterd Item x pewter spones Item v pon s of stone with p ewter covers Item j salte of pewter The bucken of the well I tem ij flower potts Summa The Brasse Item iij brasse potts Item iij pannes and j kenai Item j dripping pann Item j fryeng pann Item j chafer of brasse Item j brasse skumer Item v candelsticks Item j fote for a chafing dysshe Item j Iitle skellen Item j olde kettell Summa T he Lynnen Item iiij paier of fyne shetes Item j corse canvas shete I tem iij long tabull clothes Item v shorte tabull clothes Item vj long towells Item iiij coberd panes wrought with blewe Item j coberd paine corse Item v pillowkeces Item iij shorte towells Item iiij dosen and v napkins Item ij pillowes of downe Summa Mr Meredethes Chamber Item j flock bedd Item a bolster of fethers Item a covering lyned olde Item a dorney covering Item other lumber about the howse Summa In the Mayds Chamber Item j bedsted of wayneskon, j trundell bedd, j testerne of redd and grene buckeram, iij curtayn rodds, v curtaynes of redd and grene buckeram, j old smale trundell bedd, j old senell, j greate bell for a howse XS vjs viijd Item the hangings of paynted clothe xvjd Item j paier of tressells and a Iitle long senell Summ a XVllJS vs iiijd vijs iiijd iijs iiijd xiijs iiijd vijs ll}S vjs viijd ijs iijd iijs iiijd iijs ijs iiijd vjd iiijs ijd ijs In the Buttrye Item j smale cubborde Item j byn and iij bottells Summa patet ijs vjd xxd In the Kytchen Item j jack of yron with a !eden waight xiijs iiijd Item j chopping knyfe of yron viijd Item j pele to sett pies on ijd Item j grate for brede vjd Item j chopping borde for erbes vjd Item j wasshing bole xxd Item j bucking tubbe, j rynsing tubbe and j ley tub be ll)S iiijd Item j paier of bellowes Item ij grete racks for spyns vjs viijd Item ij crepers ijs Item j gridyron and a fleshe hoke viijd Item j paier of pothoks vjd I tem ij trevetts of yron wherof j smale and j grete xxd xxd Item ij paier of tongs and a tier shovelle Item j spyn xd Item ij racks to hang potts and j long barre of yron which they hang on VS Item a cope for capons viijd iiijd Item ij smale stoles viijd Item a rack for cheses Summa xis xd xxd xiiijd xviijd xd xiiijd xd iijl xjs xs XS xijd xijd iiijs iiijd vjd vs l JS viijd xijd xxxvs vjd Ls iijs iiijd viijs iiijd In the Cham ber over the Kytchen Item j bedsted of wayneskott xiijs iiijd Item v curtaynes of yelowe and blewe say, fringe of the same XVl JS Item iij curtayn rodds ijs Item j fetherbedd and j bolster of fethers xxxvjs viijd Item ij white blankens iiijs Item j coverlett of tapistry, lyned with canvas vjs viijd Item j settell an the bedds foote and vj iiijs vjd bedstaves Item j courte cubborde of oke ijs xiiijd Item ij crepers of yron in the chymney Item j smale wayneskon stole vjd Item j smale iij foted stole ijd Item the hangings of paynted clothe xvs Summa vl iijs VS vs xiijs iiijd xd VS xd xd XXS lll}S vi xvjs vjd vs ijs vjd l JS ijs iiijd In Mr Meredethe Chamber Item j bedd of wayneskott Item v curteyns of blewe and yelowe say Item j senell of wayneskott with vj bedstaves VS xiiijs xd 73 xiijs iiijd xvijs iiijs vjd ESSEX ARCHAEOLOGY AND HISTORY Item j courte cubborde of oke Item the hangings of paynted clothe Item j cheste of wayneskott wherin is certeyn lynn en Summa In the Ser vaunts Chamber Item ij old bedstaves of oke or elme Item j flock bedd Item ij bolsters of flock Item ij old formes Item j old shorter Iader Summa In the Brusshing C hamber Item j presse of wayneskott Item iij Iitle quisshens for wemen peynes Item ij quysshens Item j curteyn of yellowe and blewe saye Item Plaskett Item j testor which is old for a bedd Item j tabull with ij tressells, ij driffatts and j greate cheste Item j olde chest of bords Summa ijs xiijs iiijd Boardman, S. and Jones, G., 1990, 'Experiments on the effects of charring on cereal plant components',J. 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Schuster, J., 2010, Metalwork, 13, 32–4, 58–60, in Andrews, P., West Thurrock: Late prehistoric settlement, Roman burials and the medieval manor house. Channel Tunnel Rail Link Excavations 2002, Essex Archaeology and History 40, 3rd ser. (2009), 1–77.

Schuster, J., 2010, Metalwork, 13, 32–4, 58–60, in Andrews, P., West Thurrock: Late prehistoric settlement, Roman burials and the medieval manor house. Channel Tunnel Rail Link Excavations 2002, Essex Archaeology and History 40, 3rd ser. (2009), 1–77.

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